ANGELES 
UBBARY 


BETWEEN    THE 


HON.  JOHN  ADAMS, 


LATE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


AND  THE  LATE 


WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  Es<*. 


BEGINNING  IN  1803,  AND  ENDING  IN  1812. 


BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED  BY  E.  M.  CUNNINGHAM, 
Son  of  the  late  Wm.  Cunningham,  Esq. 

True  and  Greene,  Printers Merchants'  Hall. 

1823. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  WIT : 

District  Clerk'*  OJfke. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  that  on  the  eighth  day  of  August, 
>  SEAL  J  A.  D.  1823,  in  the  forty  eighth  year  of  the  Independence  of  the 
•3K-v~v"»v>~vi<f  United  States  of  America,  Ephraim  May  Cunningham,  of  the  said 
District,  has  deposited  in  this  Office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  he  claims 
as  Proprietor,  in  the  words  following,  to  wit : 

"Correspondence  between  the  Hon.  John  Adams,  late  President  of  the  United  States 
and  the  late  Win.  Cunningham,  Esq  tx-giiming  in  1803  and  ending  in  I8i2.'' 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled  '  An  Act 
for  the  Encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of  Maps.  Charti  ..:•.! 
Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  copies  during  the  times  therein  men- 
tioned :"  and  also  to  an  Act  entitled,  "  An  Act  supplementary  to  an  Act  entitled 
An  Act  for  the  Encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  Maps.  Charts 
and  Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  copies  during  the  times  therein 
mentioned ;  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  Arts  of  Designing,  Engraving 
and  Etching  Historical,  and  other  Prints." 

JOHN  W   DAVIS. 
Clerk  »f  the  District  of  Mtutachutea*. 


E  3  \ 
,\  2  I 


INTRODUCTION. 


THIS  correspondence  is  presented  to  the  American  peo- 
ple, with  an  exclusive  view  to  their  information  and  bene- 
fit. The  seal  of  secrecy,  which  was  imposed  by  the  sur- 
vivor, is  broken  by  the  triumph  of  death  over  his  corres- 
pondent. It  has  now  become  the  property  of  the  public 
and  of  posterity.  The  Editor  is  influenced  by  a  deep  soli- 
citude for  the  welfare  of  our  republic,  and  an  anxious  wish, 
that  its  institutions  and  liberties  may  be  transmitted  to  an 
interminable  futurity.  He  deems  it  an  imperative  obliga- 
tion upon  every  citizen  of  this  great  and  free  nation  to  con- 
tribute, according  to  his  means,  to  the  preservation  and 
glory  of  this  invaluable  inheritance. 

The  history  of  nations,  is  little  else,  than  the  history  of 
individuals ;  and,  the  existence  and  prosperity  of  the  one^ 
depend  upon  the  purity,  patriotism  and  public  spirit  of  the 
other.  In  all  nations,  which  have  risen,  flourished  and  fal* 
len,  the  causes  of  their  decline  and  overthrow,  may  be  trac- 
ed to  individuals  and  families.  An  inordinate  and  unprinci- 
pled thirst  for  power,  on  the  part  of  the  few,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  many,  has  always  been  the  inveterate  bane  of 
liberty — the  semen  dissolutionis  of  political  communities. — 
Men  are,  by  nature,  free  and  equal ;  but,  there  is,  among 
them,  a  perpetual  tendency  to  inequality.  Society  is  con- 
stantly diverging  into  the  extremes  of  affluence  and  power, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  penury  and  weakness,  on  the  other. 
B 


The  progress  to  these  extremes,  is  accelerated,  in  direct 
proportion  to  the  distance  from  the  medium.  An  increase 
of  strength,  gives  new  energy,  and  every  accumulation 
sharpens  the  appetite  for  more.  On  the  other  hand,  de- 
feat destroys  confidence,  and  every  failure  paves  the  way 
to  a  repetition,  till  a  great  majority  of  mankind,  sink  into 
listlessness  and  indolence,  and  become  the  servile  instru- 
ments of  pampered  power.  The  operation  and  extension 
of  this  principle,  has  created  all  those  iron  despotisms, 
which  have  humbled  and  crushed  the  human  family. 

It  is  the  spirit  and  intention  of  our  republican  institutions, 
to  correct  this  tendency  to  monopoly,  and  to  restrain  indi- 
vidual and  family  aggrandizement.  In  this,  consists  our  pre- 
eminence, in  freedom  and  happiness,  over  every  other  na- 
tion. It  is  the  bulwark  of  our  liberties.  When  this  correc- 
tive power  shall  be  yielded,  we  shall  become  a  degraded 
people.  It  is  the  duty  of  freemen  to  guard  it,  with  un- 
tiring vigilance.  By  a  constant  recurrence  to  first  princi- 
ples and  an  unceasing  inspection  and  scrutiny  into  the  con- 
duct  and  characters  of  our  distinguished  men,  we  may  hope 
to  preserve  our  rights  and  perpetuate  them  to  future  gene- 
rations. However  elevated  his  rank — powerful  his  con- 
nexions— or,  unlimited  his  hold  upon  the  estimation  and 
confidence  of  his  countrymen,  we  should  not  shrink  from 
summoning  the  delinquent  to  that  tribunal,  from  which 
there  is  no  appeal — to  the  tribunal  of  public  opinion. 

In  times  of  revolutionary  excitement,  it  is  easy  for  a  man 
of  a  restless  and  daring  spirit,  to  throw  himself  into  the 
stream  and  roll  on  with  the  tide.  By  activity  and  address, 
he  may  mould  the  ingredients  of  a  community  in  commo- 
tion, to  his  own  will  and  pleasure,  and  acquire  power  and 
influence  with  wonderful  facility  The  splendor  of  success, 
achieved  by  his  associates,  may  throw  a  halo  of  glory  round 
his  name,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  a  nation,  may  assign  him  a 


place  among  her  worthies,  which  posterity  will  permit  him 
to  retain,  if  the  mask  he  not  removed  by  his  subsequent 
career.  la  the  hurry  of  events,  it  is  impossible  to  form  a 
correct  estimate  of  his  acts,  and  to  foresee  the  ultimate  ob- 
jects of  his  ambition.  It  is  only,  when  the  storm  is  over, 
that  his  motives  may  be  developed  and  his  true  character 
delineated. 

It  cannot  be  doubted,  that  the  fame  of  Mr.  Adams  would 
have  gone  into  future  times,  with  a  brighter  train,  if  his 
public  labours  had  ceased,  with  the  termination  of  the  re- 
volution.    By  retirement,  he  might  have  preserved  a  rank 
in  that  luminous   galaxy  of  heroes   and   statesmen,    who 
achTeved  our  independence.     But,  every  act  of  his,  since 
that  epoch,  has  removed  him  farther  from  the  proud  eleva- 
tion, to  which  a  fortuitous  concurrence  of  circumstances  and 
the  unsuspecting  gratitude  of  an  emancipated  people,  had 
raised  him.     It  was  not,  however,  till  he  became  chief  ma- 
gistrate of  the  nation,  that  his  real  character  and  designs 
were  known.     It  was  now,  that  his  aristocratical  principles 
and  selfish  policy,  appeared  in  all  their  hideousness.     The 
people  saw  his  rapid  strides  towards  despotism,  and,  that 
he  aimed  to  wrest  from  them  the  sovereignty  and  secure  it 
to  himself  and  family.     It  is  unnecessary  to  recount  the  ob- 
noxious acts  of  his  administration  ;  for,  they  are  fresh  in  the 
recollection  of  every  citizen.     It  is  in  vain  to  attempt  to 
charge  the  odium  of  this  reign  of  terror  upon  his  constitu- 
tional counsellors  ;  for,  the  maxim,  that  "  the  king  can  do 
no  wrong,"  is  not  recognised  in  our  political  creed.     The 
Executive,  possessed  of  the  appointing  power,  and  having 
a  negative  upon  the  legislature,  is  amenable  to  the  nation, 
for  the  policy  and  practice  of  the  government.     The  eyes 
of  the  people  are  directed  to  the  Supreme  Head;  and,  not- 
withstanding its  immense  patronage  and  influence,  which 
are  calculated  to  dazzle  and  blind  the  million,  Mr.  Adams, 


VI. 

clothed,  as  he  was,  with  the  revolutionary  mantle,  could 
not  sustain  the  scrutiny.  The  voice  of  a  free  people,  called 
him  from  power  and  consigned  him  to  the  shades  of  Quincy, 
where  it  would  have  been  well  for  his  future  fame,  if  he 
had  devoted  the  remnant  of  his~years,  to  the  cultivation  of 
his  farm  and  of  philosophy.  But  his  feelings  and  principles 
and  desires,  were  not  fashioned  upon  the  model  of  the  Ro- 
man Cincinnatus.  The  shadow  of  departed  glory,  lingered 
in  his  fancy,  and  stars  and  diadems  still  danced  on  his  vi- 
sion. He  saw  in  every  object  around  him,  engraven  in 
capitals,  the  memento,  NON  SUM,  QUOD  FUI. 

It  is  well  observed,  that  the  true*  delineations  and  traits 
of  human  character,  are  found  in  private  intercourse  and  in 
familiar  correspondence.  Here,  the  mind  discharges  its  sen- 
tinels— the  heart  is  liberated  from  the  restraints  of  policy 
and  affectation — and,  the  whole  man  unbends  and  displays 
the  ingredients  of  his  composition,  and  speaks  the  language 
of  his  real  feelings  and  sentiments.  It  is  in  this  plain  and 
unclouded  mirror,  that  the  American  people  may  now  be- 
hold the  character,  who  once  presided  over  their  destinies, 
and  who  assumes  to  be  their  political  father. 

It  will  be  seen  through  the  whole  tenor  of  this  corres- 
pondence, that,  in  the  estimation  of  Mr.  Adams,  no  person 
in  the  nation,  of  any  party,  is  entitled  to  consideration  or 
credit,  except  himself  and  his  son,  who,  when  appointed  to 
an  important  office,  '•''is  banished,  because  he  is  too  just!" — 
They  seem  to  be  specially  designed  by  providence,  to  take 
this  infant  nation  into  their  keeping,  and  to  hold  her  in  safe 
leading-strings,  through  successive  generations.  Thrice  hap- 
py America,  for  possessing  such  a  race  !  How  blind  and  in- 
fatuated, for  entrusting  the  reins,  for  a  moment,  to  such  ig- 
noble hands  as  Jefferson  and  Madison  ! 

From  the  letters  written  in  1803  and  4,  it  appears,  that 
Mr.  Adams'  imagination  was  incessantly  disturbed  by  the 


Vll. 

grisly  goblin  of  Democracy.  This  monster  had  broken  the 
chains,  with  which,  he  had  been  bound,  in  his  reign,  and 
was  now;  stalking  through  the  nation,  and  leading  the  peo- 
ple to  seduction  and  ruin.  The  same  uneasy  and  unhailow- 
ed  ambition,  which  characterised  him,  in  public,  pursued 
him  to  his  retreat.  Envy,  jealousy  and  resentment,  turned 
in  his  hosom  ;  and,  he  conceived  the  herculean  project  of 
prostrating  the  reputation  of  his  successor,  and  of  raising 
himself  and  his  family  upon  the  ruins  of  republicanism.  His 
immediate  friends  and  connexions^  and  the  newspaper  .-crib- 
biers  of  the  day,  at  his  instigation,  embarked  in  the  business 
of  calumny,  and  the  administration  of  Jefferson,  was  assail- 
ed, with  a  venom  and  virulence,  unparalleled  in  the  annals 
of  any  other  age  or  nation.  He  affected  to  shudder  at  the 
calamities,  which  the  infidel  President  was  preparing  for 
his  country  ;  and,  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  religion  and 
morality  of  the  people,  to  avert  the  impending  desolation. 
The  torrents  of  abuse  and  defamation,  which  were  poured 
out,  with  unsparing  profusion,  upon  the  republican  chief, 
may  be  traced,  with  unerring  certainty,  to  the  prol. fie  foun- 
tain at  Quincy.  The  federalists  were  upbraided  with  the 
charge  of  apathy  and  indifference  to  public  conctrns,  for 
not  coming  to  the  attack,  with  more  zeal  and  fury  and  de- 
votion to  their  prostrate  leader  "  Anecdotes  from  in.  .  o- 
ry,"  conjured  up  in  the  dark  caverns  of  spleen  and  resent- 
ment, were  furnished  to  be  wrought  into  political  essays,  and 
palmed,  for  facts,  upon  the  nation. 

Amidst  all  this  confusion  and  war  of  elements,  Jefferson 
stood,  like  Atlas,  upon  a  broad  and  immoveable  basis,  with 
his  head  in  clear  sunshine,  above  the  clouds.  His  adminis- 
tration was  energetic,  without  armies — dignified,  without 
gag-laws — and,  the  treasury  abundant,  without  direct 
taxes.  The  principles  of  the  Constitution,  wont  into  com- 
plete and  harmonious  operation,  and  ttye  resources  of  the 


Vlll. 

country,  were  developed,  to  the  credit  of  this,  and  to  the 
admiration  of  other  nations.  Religion  and  her  altars  were 
preserved  from  profanation- — temples  of  literature  and  sci- 
ence were  founded  and  patronized — and,  an  immense  popu- 
lation spread  into  the  western  wilderness,  carrying  the  habits 
of  industry  and  enterprize,  and  the  principles  of  civil  liberty. 
The  people  flocked  to  the  republican  standard ;  and,  the 
result  of  the  second  election,  demonstrated,  that  republican 
principles  had  taken  deep  root  in  their  affections. 

The  game  was  up.  Republicanism  could  not  he  over- 
thrown ;  and,  we  hear  nothing  more  from  our  correspondent, 
about  the  abandoned  "  Rake,  Democracy."  A  long  and 
portentous  silence  ensues,  interrupted  occasionally  by  a 
small  gun  in  the  shape  of  a  poetical  lampoon,  which,  like 
the  scattered  fire  of  a  retreating  enemy,  shews  more  of 
imbecile  malice,  than  of  magnanimous  courage. 

It  would  be  a  curious  investigation  to  look  minutely  into 
the  chasm  of  years,  in  this  correspondence.  But,  the  secret 
workings  of  the  passions — the  humbled  pride — the  stifled 
hatred  and  resentment — the  writhings  and  agonies  of  con- 
flicting desires,  must  be  left  to  conjecture.  The  result  only 
is  known.  Unconquerable  ambition  gained  a  victory,  et  om- 
nia  alia  cedant.  To  this  triumphant  passion,  truth,  consist- 
ency, former  principles,  and  gratitude  to  former  friends, 
associates  and  supporters,  must  yield. 

Mr.  Adams  has  laid  it  down  as  a  principle*  that "  if  a 
family,  which  has  been  high  in  office,  and  splendid  in 
wealth  falls  into  decay,  from  profligacy,  folly,  vice  or 
misfortune,  they  generally  turn  Democrats,  and  court 
the  lowest  of  the  people,  with  an  ardour,  an  art,  a  skill 
and  consequently  with  a  success,  which  no  vulgar  Dem- 
ocrat can  attain."  Upon  this  principle,  the  irrevocable 
decision  is  taken,  and  conversion  to  democracy  is  re- 

*  Vide  Letter  VI. 


IX. 

solved  upon,  as  the  only  means  of  recovery,  by  his  fam- 
ily, of  departed  power.  It  does  not  appear,  whether  this, 
conversion  was  a  gradual  work,  or  whether  it  came  in  a 
blaze  of  lightning  like  that  of  his  "  exemplar  Paul."*  The 
only  account  furnished  by  Mr.  Adams,  is,  "  they  cannot  sink 
me  lower  than  the  bottom,  and  I  have  been  safely  landed 
there  these  eight  years."  "  I  will  not  die  for  nothing*" 
and  "  my  SONS  are  very  much  delighted,  that  I  have  taken 
the  subject  up."  The  speculation  was  without  hazard. — 
Nothing  to  lose;  but  the  possibility,  if  not  the  prospect  of 
"  a  success,  which  no  vulgar  Democrat  can  attain"!  Who 
would  not  embark  with  such  odds  in  his  favour? 

The  time  for  the  explosion  arrives — the  volcano  bursts, 
and  red-hot  streams  of  lava  are  poured  through  the  columns 
of  the  Boston  Patriot,  sweeping  away  characters,  and  bury- 
ing the  peace  of  families,  in  their  march.  The  destroying 
spirit  has  gone  forth ;  and,  nothing  can  arrest  his  career. 
The  sanctuary  of  the  dead  is  violated.  The  ashes  of  him, 
who  once  wielded  the  sword,  and  fought  our  battles  by  the 
side  of  our  Washington — Those  ashes,  which  once  were 
animated  by  the  celestial  fire  of  genius  and  eloquence,  are 
drawn  from  their  repose  and  scattered  in  the  winds.  The 
distinguished  individuals  of  the  party,  which  raised  him  to 
power,  now  that  its  ascendency  is  gone,  have  become  "  Brit- 
ish Bears  and  Tory  Tigers,"  and  must  be  hunted  down. 
The  French  have  become  a  very  clever  people;  but,  John 
Bull  has  turned  his  dreadful  eye-balls  upon  us,  and  will  ere 
long  trample  us  in  the  dust.  "  Democracy"  has  become  a 
Deity  and  its  "  Islam"  a  vicegerent, — and,  "  I  and  Jefferson 
have  always  been  friends" — Ecce,  no*,  poma  natamus  ! 

My  countrymen,  it  would  be  trifling  with  your  feelings  to 
pursue  the  analysis  further.  It  would  be  offering  indignity 

•  No  irreverent  allusion  to  the  apostle,  ii  intended.  Mr.  A.  uses  the  expression  in 
application  to  himself. 


x. 

to  your  good  sense  and  discernment,  to  draw  the  inferences 
and  explain  the  great  end  and  design  of  this  and  a  simulta- 
neous conversion.  They  are  written  in  flaming  characters 
upon  the  front  of  the  transaction.  Let  the  voice  of  reason 
and  of  patriotism  be  heard.  They  make  their  solemn  appeal, 
to  the  democracy  of  Maine — to  the  republicans  of  New- 
Hampshire — to  the  freemen  of  the  Green  Mountains — to  the 
whole  people  of  this  nation,  to  pause  and  consider,  whether 
it  be  safe  to  engraft  a  Scion  of  this  old  Stock  in  our  tree  of 
liberty — where,  it  might  shoot  up  in  rank  luxuriance  and 
overshadow  and  destroy  it. 


LETTER  I. 

QUINCY,  JVov.  28*A,  1803. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  on  Saturday  your  favour 
of  the  21st — had  before  received  the  copy  of 
your  Oration,  which  you  mention  in  it,  and  since 
that,  have  received  the  other,  that  you  sent  first. 
For  all  these  favours  I  thank  you. 

The  Brochure,  which  contains  much  valuable 
matter,  I  have  read  with  a  lively  interest,  and 
high  pleasure.  I  wish  I  had  patience,  and  lei- 
sure, however,  to  make  a  few  friendly  remarks. 
But,  as  I  have  not,  I  shall  confine  myself  to  one 
or  two  questions.  The  first  is,  have  you  not 
fallen  too  deeply  in  love  with  Mr.  Ames'  style  ? 
The  second  is,  where  you  found  your  authority 
for  your  quotation  in  (n.  p.  10)  page  31  and  32, 
which  you  say  is  from  Mr.  Jefferson's  Letter  to 
Judge  Wythe,  1776.  I  never  knew  nor  heard 


of  any  letter  to  Judge  Wythe  from  Jefferson. 
The  words  quoted,  viz : — "  Th^dignity  and  sta- 
bility of  Government  in  all  its  branches,"  &c. 
are  taken^rom  my  letter  to  Ju3ge^VytHe,  in 
1776. 

Some  time  in  January  or  February,  1  believe, 
in  1776,  or  if  I  am  mistaken  in  the  recollection 
of  the  month,  certainly,  very  early  in  that  year, 
I  wrote  the  pamphlet  in  question,  which  Rich- 
ard Henry  Lee  procured  to  be  printed  by  Dun- 
lap,  in  Philadelphia,  under  the  title  of  Thoughts 
on  Government,  in  a  Letter  from  a  Gentleman 
to  his  friend. — Being  applied  to  by  a  printer 
many  years  after,  I  gave  permission  to  re-print 
it,  with  my  name,  who  wrote  it,  and  Mr.  Wythe's, 
to  whom  it  was  written.  By  the  quotation  you 
make,  I  suspect  that  some  rascal  has  reprinted 
it,  and  imputed  it  to  the  name  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 
I  wish  you  success,  Sir,  in  your  literary  pur- 
suits and  all  others,  and  am,  with  kind  regards 
to  your  family,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham. 


3 
LETTER  II. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  2,  1803. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  duly  received  your  favour  of 
the  28th  ult.  I  know  your  time  is  much  em- 
ployed, yet,  I  cannot  restrain  the  wish,  that  you 
would  have  "  patience  and  leisure  to  make  the 
friendly  remarks"  which  arose  on  the  perusal 
of  my  performance.  I  am  sufficiently  sensible 
of  inaccuracies  to  be  admonished,  for  the  future, 
against  too  much  confidence  in  my  own  infor- 
mation. A  friendly  eye  to  discover  faults,  and 
a  friendly  hand  to  correct  them,  are  benefits 
which  a  just  precaution  recommends  to  writ- 
ers of  more  accuracy  and  of  better  advantages 
than  myself. 

In  answer  to  the  two  questions  proposed  in 
your  letter,  I  say — That  if  my  style  is  like  Mr. 
Ames',  I  may  with  truth  assert,  that  I  am  not 
a  copyist.  I  think  myself  tolerably  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  merits  of  Mr.  Ames :  while 
I  admire  the  strength  of  his  imagination,  I  must 
say  that  I  think  it  greater  than  the  solidity  of 
his  judgment :  I  am  deeply  sensible  of  obliga- 
tion for  your  friendly  hint 


My  authority  for  the  quotation  (n.  p.  10)  is 
the  federal  prints.  If  my  memory  is  faithful, 
the  letter  to  Judge  Wythe  has  been  imputed  to 
Jefferson  in  a  number  of  them.  I  found  the  ex- 
tract I  used  in  Thomas'  Massachusetts  Spy, 
which  is  generally  considered  correct : — I  here- 
with forward  the  paper  for  your  inspection.  I 
cannot  conceal  my  mortification  at  not  being  in- 
formed of  the  real  author  of  the  letter ;  nor  can 
I  suppress  my  indignation  at  the  intention,  or 
incautiousness  which  steals  from  one  and  cheats 
another.  If  you  would  suggest  a  method  for 
the  correction  of  the  error  in  my  publication,  I 
would  most  readily  conform  to  it 

Permit  me  to  renew  remembrances  to  your 
family,  and  to  assure  you  of  my  being,  with 
profound  respect, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  Ob't  Serv't 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 

* 
Hon.  John  Mams, 

Quincy. 


LETTER  III. 

FITCHBURG,  Jan.  10,  1804. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  have  ascertained  that  Mr.  Adams' 
Sermon  at  the  Dudleian  Lecture  was  not  pub- 
lished ;  a  copy  was  deposited  in  the  archives  of 
the  University,  agreeably  to  the  will  of  Judge 
Dudley.  I  am  informed,  in  a  letter  from  the 
Rev'd.  Mr.  Gushing,  of  Ashburnham,  that  it  was 
a  laboured  discourse  on  the  validity  of  Presby- 
terian Ordination,  for  which  Mr.  Adams  was 
much  complimented. 

I  have  for  some  time  been  collecting  materi- 
als to  present  the  Public  with  a  full  view  of  the 
character  and  conduct  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  I  am 
informed  that  such  a  work  is  preparing  by  Mr. 
Colman  of  New- York,  under  the  eye  of  Gen. 
Hamilton.  If  I  should  really  find  the  design  in 
better  hands,  I  shall  relinquish  it.  I  am,  at  pre- 
sent, encouraged  by  the  promised  aid  and  pat- 
ronage of  some  valuable  friends.  If  I  should 
proceed  in  the  work;  the  time  most  favourable 
for  effect  at  the  ensuing  election  will  be  chosen 
for  its  appearance. 


I  wish  to  discover  every  arcanum  that  would 
be  of  use  to  develope  the  true  character  of  the 
Salt  Mountain  Philosopher.  This  mountain  has 
increased  the  wonders  of  the  world  to  eight, 
and,  if  Mr.  Jefferson  would  sink  a  tomb  in  a 
part  of  it  for  himself,  it  might,  better  than  being 
a  Mummy,  preserve  his  body  and  memory 
through  succeeding  ages. 

But  to  return.  No  man  living  has  so  tho- 
rough a  knowledge  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  transac- 
tions as  yourself — it  is  necessary,  therefore,  to 
the  perfection  of  my  plan,  that  I  should  assume 
the  confidence  to  apply  to  you  for  some  parti- 
culars. If,  Sir,  to  promote  my  patriotic  purpo- 
ses, you  would  refer  me  to  interesting  incidents 
in  Mr.  Jefferson's  career,  I  promise  most  seri- 
ously that  no  indiscretion  or  unfaithfulness  in 
me  shall  expose  or  abuse  your  goodness. 

In  the  year  1800, 1  wrote,  Sir,  a  lengthy  out- 
line of  yourself.  It  was  first  published  in  the 
Providence  Gazette,  and  was  copied  into  most  of 
the  federal  papers  thro'  the  Union :  It  has,  per- 
haps, passed  your  perusal.  It  was  acknowledg- 
ed by  gentlemen,  who  had  been  long  in  public 
life,  to  contain  some  facts  which  were  not  pre- 
viously of  notoriety ;  and  I  was  assured,  parti- 


cularly  by  Judge  Bourne,  that  it  essentially 
served  the  federal  cause  at  the  Presidential 
election  in  Rhode  Island,  where  I  then  resided. 
I  have  rather  mentioned  this  to  refer  you  to  a 
specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  the  work  con- 
templated will  be  executed  than  from  any  per- 
sonal views ;  tho'  I  will  not  dissemble  that  my 
exertions  and  my  admiration  would  not  be  abat- 
ed by  your  auspices,  but  they  would  give  activ- 
ity and  animation  to  both. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 

P.  S. — If  it  would  be  more  agreeable  to  disclose  yourself 
in  conversation  than  in  writing,  I  would  do  myself  the  ho- 
nor of  waiting  on  you. 


LETTER  IV. 

QUINCY,  Jan.  16,  1804. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  ought  to  acknowledge  my  fault  in 
having,  two  of  your  kind  letters  to  answer  at 
once.  I  return  you  with  thanks,  Mr.  Thomas's 
Spy,  in  which  my  poor  "  Thoughts  on  Govern- 


8 

ment"  are  wickedly  and  libelously  imputed  i& 
"  the  greatest  man  in  America  /"  This  was  re- 
ceived in  your  letter  of  Dec.  2d. 

I  thank  you  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken 
to  ascertain  that  Mr.  Zabdiel  Adams's  Sermon 
on  the  Validity  of  Presbyterian  Ordination,  was 
not  printed. 

I  would  not  advise  you  to  relinquish  the  pro- 
ject you  have  in  hand,  because  another  has  the 
same.  If  the  two  persons  you  name,  are  en- 
gaged in  such  a  work,  you  may  depend  upon 
it,  no  good  will  come  of  it.  There  will  be  so 
many  little  passions  and  weak  prejudices,  so 
little  candor  and  sincerity  in  it,  that  the  dullest 
reader  will  see  through  it.  The  Cincinnati  and 
the  Essex  Juntos,  and  there  is  one  of  these  in 
every  State,  will  cry  it  up,  but  the  louder  they 
extol  it,  the  less  influence  it  will  have  in  the 
nation.  The  jealousy  of  the  people,  will  be  ex- 
cited and  not  without  reason,  when  they  see 
the  President  of  the  Cincinnati  arranging  his 
forces,  in  battle  array,  though  it  be  but  a  war 
of  the  quill,  against  the  Presidents  of  the  Unit- 
ed States,  one  after  another. 


You  are  much  mistaken  when  you  say  that 
"  no  man  living  has  so  much  knowledge  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  transactions  as  myself."  In  truth  I 
know  but  little  concerning  him.  You  will  see 
by  the  Journals,  that  he  came  first  into  Con- 
gress in  autumn,  1775 :  but  he  never  stayed 
long  in  that  assembly.  During  the  short  visit 
he  made  us,  he  and  I  agreed  very  well  in  sen- 
timents and  votes  and  were  very  good  friends, 
but  he  never  took  any  share  in  public  debates ; 
in  Nov.  1777  I  left  Congress,  and  was  appoint- 
ed to  go  to  Europe.  During  my  absence,  I  had 
no  correspondence  with  him,  nor  information 
concerning  him,  till  in  1784  he  came  to  Europe, 
united  with  me  and  Dr.  Franklin  in  fifteen  Com- 
missions ;  and  full  powers  to  treat  with  all  or 
nearly  all  the  powers  of  Europe  in  these  Com- 
missions. We  acted  together  for  one  year ;  but  as 
he  lived  in  Paris  and  I  at  Auteuil,  three  or  four 
miles  asunder,  we  met  together  seldom,  but  on 
business.  Although  we  agreed  always  very  well, 
there  Was  no  very  close  intimacy  between  us. 
In  1785  I  was  sent  to  England,  where  he  made 
me  a  visit,  as  he  afterwards  did  in  Holland :  but 

there  was  never  any  sparring  between  us,  nor 
3 


10 

much  communication  but  by  letters  of  no  great 
interest. 

After  his  return  from  Europe,  he  was  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  a  short  time,  and  afterwards 
Vice-President  for  four  years :  but  I  had  little 
intercourse  with  him,  except  in  common  civili- 
ties. He  always  professed  great  friendship  for 
me,  even  when,  as  it  now  appears,  he  was  coun- 
tenancing Freneau,  Bache,  Duane  and  Callen- 
der. 

No  information  could  be  obtained  from  me 
sufficient  to  compensate  you  for  a  journey  : — 
But  if  you  shall  be  in  Boston  on  other  affairs,  a 
visit  from  you  will  be  always  agreeable. 

The  outline  you  mention  I  never  saw,  the 
editors  in  Rhode-Island  seldom  sent  me  their 
papers.  I  should  like  to  see  it  very  well. 

Anecdotes  from  my  memory  would  certainly 
be  known.  There  are  some  there  known  only  to 
him  and  me,  but  they  would  not  be  believed,  or 
at  least  they  would  be  said  to  be  not  believed, 
and  would  be  imputed  to  envy,  revenge  or  vani- 
ty. I  wish  him  no  ill.  I  envy  him  not.  I  SHUD- 
DER AT  THE  CALAMITIES,  WHICH  I  FEAR  HIS  CONDUCT 
IS  PREPARING  FOR  HIS  COUNTRY:  FROM  A  MEAN  THIRST 


11 

OF  POPULARITY,  AN  INORDINATE  AMBITION,  AND  A  WANT 
OF  SINCERITY. 

I  write  in  confidence  in  your  honor  as  well 
as  your  discretion,  being  your  hearty  well  wish- 
er. 

,T.  ADAMS. 

Mr.  Wm.  Cunningham, 
Fitchburg. 

LETTER  V. 

FITCHBURG,  Feb.  15,  1804. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  duly  received  your  esteemed  fav- 
or of  the  16th  ult.  I  assure  you  without  reserve, 
that  I  shall  not  misuse  nor  abuse  the  confidence 
you  repose  in  me. 

By  the  first  opportunity  I  had,  after  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  letter,  I  sent  to  Mr.  Russell  of 
Boston  for  a  paper  containing  the  outline  that 
you  have  so  flatteringly  expressed  a  wish  to 
see.  Expecting,  post  after  post,  to  receive  the 
paper,  I  have  delayed  an  answer  to  your  oblig- 
ing letter — Either  he  has  not  forwarded  me  a 
paper  or  it  has  miscarried.  I  have  now  trans- 
cribed, and  have  enclosed,  a  copy  from  the  man- 


12 

uscript.  I  notice  a  few  marks  in  the  manuscript 
which  indicate,  that  when  it  was  transcribed  for 
the  press  a  few  trifling  variations  were  made — 
an  incorrectness  in  one  of  the  dates  was  recti- 
fied. I  wrote  it  under  very  considerable  disad- 
vantages, and  its  publication  was  hastened  for 
the  purposes  mentioned  in  my  last  respects.  I 
am  very  sensible  of  its  insufficiency  to  do  you 
justice,  but  of  its  adequacy  to  the  proof  of  my 
high  esteem,  I  feel  the  strongest  confidence,  and 
on  that  consideration,  I  allow  myself  hopes  of 
your  favourable  reception  of  it. 

I  have  taken  leave  to  send  you  herewith  a 
copy  of  my  Eulogy  upon  the  death  of  your  il- 
lustrious predecessor  in  the  Presidency. 

Permit  me  to  use  this  occasion  to  present 
my  most  cordial  regards  to  your  family. 
With  perfect  respect  I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 

LETTER  VI. 

QUINCY,  Feb.  24,  1804. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the 
15th,  with  its  enclosures.  I  thank  you  for  the  out- 


13 

line,  as  well  as  the  eulogy.  I  am  sorry  you  had 
the  trouble  of  transcribing  the  former,  which  I 
see  was  written,  as  the  Italians  speak,  con  amore. 
Speaking  of  the  classification  of  scholars  in  our 
College  before  the  revolution,  you  consider  rank 
and  wealth  as  anti-republican  principles  of  pre- 
cedence. Is  this  correct  ?  About  five  and  forty 
years  ago,  I  was  in  company  with  the  oldest 
Colonel,  John  Chandler,  of  Worcester,  when  a 
newspaper  was  brought  in,  containing  an  ac- 
count of  the  last  elections  in  Rhode-Island.  All 
the  principal  magistrates  were  of  ancient  fami- 
lies. The  old  gentleman's  comment  upon  it, 
was  tfiis — "  I  have  always  been  of  opinion,  that 
in  popular  governments  the  people  will  always 
choose  their  officers  from  the  most  ancient  and 
respectable  families."  This  has  been  the  case 
generally  in  Connecticut  as  well  as  Rhode-Is- 
land, and  in  ever}T  republican  government,  in 
Greece  and  Rome  and  Modern  Italy,  in  Swit- 
zerland and  Geneva.  The  more  democratical 
the  government,  the  more  universal  has  been 
the  practice.  If  a  family,  which  has  been  high 
in  office,  and  splendid  in  wealth,  falls  into  decay, 
from  profligacy,  folly,  vice,  or  misfortune,  they 


14 

generally  turn  democrats,  and  court  the  lowest 
of  the  people  with  an  ardour,  an  art,  a  skill,  and 
consequently  with  a  success,  which  no  vulgar  de- 
mocrat can  attain.  If  such  families  are  nume- 
rous, they  commonly  divide.  Some  adhere  to 
one  party,  some  to  another,  so  that  which  ever 
prevails,  the  country  still  finds  itself  governed 
by  them.  Consider  the  conduct  of  the  Win- 
throps,  in  this  State,  the  Livingstons,  in  New- 
York,  the  Madisons,  in  Virginia,  &c.  The  whole 
power  and  popularity  of  Virginia,  I  am  told,  is 
now  in  the  family  connections  of  Mr.  Madison. 
You  are  young,  and  have  much  time  to  observe 
and  to  reflect.  In  theory,  all  governments  pro- 
fess to  regard  merit  alone,  but  in  practice,  de- 
mocratical  governments  certainly  regard  it  as 
little  as  any.  You  see  I  have  reason  to  repeat 
my  intimations  of  confidence. 

It  certainly  was  never  any  "  humiliation"  to 
me  to  see  thirteen  of  my  classmates  preceding 
me.  I  never  thought  much  upon  that  subject. 

Have  you  seen  Mr. 's  Manifesto, 

proposing  Mr.  Sullivan  for  Governor,  and  Mr. 
Heath  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  With  what 
inimitable  power  of  face  it  is  written  !  These 


15 

people  talk  with  as  much  gravity  and  solemnity 
as  if  they  thought  they  spoke  truth.  Do  you 

know  the  character  of  Mr. ?    I 

have  had  some  experience  of  his  intrigues. — 
Talents  he  has :  But  candour  and  sincerity  be- 
long to  other  people.  Cool,  dispassionate,  and 
deliberate  insidiousness  never  arrived  at  great- 
er perfection. 

With  kind  regard,  I  am,  &c. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham, 
Fitchburg. 


LETTER  VII. 

FITCHBURG,  March  9th,  1804. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  unusual  obstructions  to  travel- 
ling, prevented  my  receiving  your  favor  of  the 
24th  ult.  till  a  day  or  two  ago.  I  am  sensible 
to  that  discernment,  which  has  discovered  in 
the  "  con  amore"  of  the  Italians,  the  real  temper 
in  which  I  wrote  the  outline.  I  wish  it  had  been 
more  just  to  you,  and  that  I  could  find  encou- 
ragement, now,  that  the  public  attention  is  en- 


J6 

gaged  in  designating  a  President,  to  bring  it  be- 
fore the  public  in  a  more  finished  form. — This 
Sir,  is  the  spontaneous  effusion  of  my  feelings. 
Your  goodness  will,  I  trust,  excuse  it.  Under 
no  circumstances,  should  I  scarcely  dare  to  ask 
the  approbation  even  of  your  silence  to  such  an 
intention. 

Accept,  too,  dear  Sir,  my  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments for  describing  the  causes  and  the  course, 
which  produce  and  guide  the  leading  democrats. 
I  read  with  avidity,  and  treasure  up  with  care, 
the  counsels  of  wisdom  and  experience.  The 
awful  spirit  of  democracy  was  never  so  preva- 
lent, nor  in  so  great  progress  in  our  country,  as 
at  the  present  day. 

The  "  manifesto"  I  had  seen,  but  was  unac- 
quainted with  the  author.  An  "  inimitable  pow- 
er of  face"  indeed,  have  they,  that  can  persist 
in  such  exploded  falsehoods,  with  such  brassi- 
ness.  Seriously  would  I  advise  them  to  sell 
their  visages  to  the  coppersmiths,  to  be  made 
into  boilers  for  Sal  Montanum. 

Of  Mr. I  have  no  knowledge, 

and  but  little  information.  I  think  I  have  heard 
the  Duke  of  Berkshire  describe  him,  as  possess- 


17 

ed  of  that  restless  and  aspiring  ambition,  which, 
disregarding  means,  would  raise  him  to  a  post 
in  government,  or  cause  his  suspension  between 
the  posts  of  ignominy. 

Judge  Sullivan  is  as  great  a  trimmer  and  time- 
server  as,  perhaps,  can  be  found.  He  has  long 
angled  in  the  dirty  water  of  democracy,  but  has 
never  filled  his  net,  though  he  has  several  times 
broken  it. 

His  eye  has  been,  and  is,  steadily  fixed  on 
the  chair  of  state.  At  first,  he  courted  assist- 
ance from  the  Clergy ;  but  now,  I  expect,  he 
means  to  make  a  push  upon  pure  Jacobinic 
principles.  I  have  never  seen  any  thing  from 
his  hand  that  contained  so  much  designing 
meanness,  as  his  "  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Samu- 
el Adams."  His  present  nomination  unfolds  his 
designs,  and  we  see  that  the  baits  thrown  out 
are  swallowed.  He  may  blame  his  friends  for 
a  most  unfortunate  designation  of  an  associate. 
The  ponderosity  of  the  "  Marquis  of  Granhy" 
would  keep  any  one  from  rising  who  is  attach- 
ed to  him.  The  "  sweat,"  which  "  our  Gene- 
ral" says  has  profusely  fallen  from  his  face,  has 
watered  many  a  plant  of  renown ;  but  the  fruits 


18 

of  them  all,  are  not  worth  a  mess  of  green  peas, 
and,  he  is  so  strongly  tainted  with  the  cow-yard, 
that  he  must,  I  think,  be  offensive  in  the  Coun- 
cil chamber. 

There  may  be  more  severity  than  good  sense, 
or  prudence,  in  these  remarks,  but  I  really  con- 
sider such  clod-pated  politicians  as  fit  subjects 
for  the  most  cutting  strokes. 

With  sincere  and  cordial  remembrances  to 
your  family,  I  am,  with  the  highest  regard,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  VIII. 

QUINCY,  March  15,  1804. 
Dear  Sir-, 

Your  favor  of  the  9th  is  received. 
I  beg  you  would  not  say  a  word  about  me  in 
relation  to  the  subject  which  you  say  now  en- 
gages the  public  attention.  I  am  no  match  for 
these  times,  nor  for  the  actors  who  now  tread 
the  stage.  You  say,  the  awful  spirit  of  demo- 
cracy is  in  great  progress.  I  believe  it,  and  I 
know  something  of  the  nature  of  it.  It  is  a 


19 

young  rake  who  thinks  himself  handsome  and 
well  made,  and  who  has  little  faith  in  virtue. — 
When  the  people  once  admit  his  courtship,  and 
permit  him  the  least  familiarity,  they  soon  find 
themselves  in  the  condition  of  the  poor  girl, 
who  told  her  own  story  in  this  affecting  style. 

Le  Lendemain  il  osa  davantage  : 
II  me  promit  Le  Foi  de  marriage. 
Le  Lendemain  ...il  fut  entreprenant. 
Le  Lendemain  il  me  fit  un  enfant. 

The  next  day  he  grew  a  little  bolder — but  pro- 
mised me  marriage.  The  next  day — he  began 
to  be  enterprising :  But  the  next  day — O  Sir ! 
the  next  day  he  got  me  with  child. 

Democracy  is  Lovelace,  and  the  people  are 
Clarissa.  The  artful  villain  will  pursue  the  in- 
nocent lovely  girl  to  her  ruin  and  her  death. — 
We  know  that  some  gentleman  will  arise  at  last, 
who  will  put  the  guilty  wretch  to  death  in  a  du- 
el. But  this  will  be  no  friend  of  the  lady.  Per- 
haps a  son,  a  pupil  or  a  bosom  friend  of  Love- 
lace, himself.  The  time  would  fail  me  to  enu- 
merate all  the  Lovelaces  in  the  United  States. 
It  would  be  an  amusing  romance  to  compare 
their  actions  and  characters  with  his.  The  fed- 


20 

eralists  appear  to  me  to  be  very  inattentive  to 
public  events  as  well  as  characters.  Mr.  Sulli- 
van's writings  in  the  newspapers  during  the 
whole  of  the  last  year,  under  feigned  signatures, 
his  biographical  sketch  of  Mr.  Samuel  Adams, 
and  especially  his  pamphlet  on  the  constitutional 
freedom  of  the  press,  have  never  been  regard- 
ed, nor,  that  I  know  of,  seen  or  read.  The  pam- 
phlet ought  to  be  read.  There  are  good  things 
in  it,  as  well  as  notable  traits  of  the  character 
of  the  author.  In  all  these  writings  his  ambi- 
tious views  are  written  with  sunbeams.  It  will 
be  a  great  thing,  if  brother  Langdon  should  be 
governor  of  New-Hampshire,  and  Sullivan,  the 
second  governor  Sullivan,  in  New-England.  I 
dont  wonder  he  was  not  willing  that  the  noble 
family  of  Sullivan  should  be  shut  up  in  a  hole. 
His  ambition,  if  it  were  of  a  right  character 
ought  not  to  be  censured.  There  is  an  honor- 
able, laudable  and  virtuous  ambition,  but  it  is 
always  attended  with  candor,  sincerity  and  ve- 
racity. With  an  abundance  of  laborious  appli- 
cation, with  an  ardent  imagination,  and  a  tena- 
cious, though  inaccurate  memory,  with  a  volu- 
bility of  eloquence,  and  a  great  deal  of  art — 


21 

which,  however,  never  could  conceal  his  art. 
there  are  faults  in  him,  which,  unless  the  peo- 
ple are  more  degenerated  than  I  believe  they 
are,  will  forever  prevent  him  from  being  a  suc- 
cessful rival  to  Mr.  Strong.  If  he  lives,  I  be- 
lieve he  will  teaze  the  national  or  state  govern- 
ment into  some  appointment  of  him,  to  some- 
thing or  other ;  for,  his  modesty  is  but  a  very 
little  restraint  upon  his  solicitations. 

You  see,  I  still  confide  in  your  discretion,  be- 
ing, with  esteem  and  regard,  your  very  humble 
servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham,  Jr. 
Fitchburg. 


LETTER  IX. 

FITCHBURG,  Sept.  19,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

In. a  letter  which  I  had  the  pleasure  some 
time  since,  to  receive  from  you,  you  expressed 
some  reproof  of  the  inactivity  of  the  Federal- 
ists. Their  conduct  at  present,  is  not  liable  to 
such  a  censure  ;  perhaps  it  may  deserve  the 


22 

reproach  of  intemperate  ardour.  The  zeal  of 
party  has  certainly  attempted  to  overbear  the 
freedom  of  private  opinion,  and  even  totally  to 
overthrow  the  character  of  him  who  would  ex- 
ercise that  right — these  are  among  the  conse- 
quences of  party  rage,  and  they  are  deeply  to 
be  deprecated. 

I  have  read  every  thing  which  has  appeared 
concerning  the  Embargo,  and  I  lament,  most 
sincerely,  that  the  bitterness  of  rebuke,  so  often 
manifested  towards  your  son,  has  been  extend- 
ed to  yourself.  Of  the  course  of  Mr.  John 
Quincy  Adams,  I  have  been  an  attentive  ob- 
server, and  have  never  discovered  in  him  a  de- 
viation from  sound  principles ;  if  he  had  giv- 
en his  assent  to  the  Embargo,  under  a  limita- 
tion of  its  duration,  it  would,  perhaps,  have  been 
better.  As  a  pause  for  deliberation,  in  a  mo- 
ment of  peculiar  peril,  I  have  thought  the  em- 
bargo necessary;  but,  for  an  independent  na- 
tion, great,  rich  and  powerful,  alarmed  at  the 
edicts  of  foreign  courts,  to  break  up  at  once,  and 
forever,  the  usages  which  had  grown  habitual, 
and  of  which  their  natural  situation  was  the 
origin  and  nurse,  would  be  an  extremity  that 


23 

no  circumstances  could  excuse.     That,  such  a 
measure  would  be  opposed  by  your  son,  his  re- 
solution, introduced  into  the  senate,  soon  after 
the  imposition  of  the  embargo,  is  ample  proof. 
The  necessity  for  a  temporary  inhibition  of  our 
trade,  indeed  the  exceptionable  edicts  them- 
selves, arose,  from  the  imbecility,  which  ensued 
from  the  previous  mismanagement  of  our  af- 
fairs.    Thinking  favourably  of  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Adams,  I  commenced,  in  January  last,  some 
papers  which  to  number  six,  were  published  in 
Boston.   In  the  seventh  number,  I  defended  his 
conduct — descanted  on  his  talents,  and  hinted 
at  the  policy  of  his  selection  by  the  federalists, 
as  their  candidate  for  the  first  in  the  magistra- 
cy of  the  nation.     This  number,  the  editors  re- 
fused to  publish,  and  my  knuckles  were  rapped 
for  having  written  it.     The  project  of  a  coali- 
tion with  the  Clintonians,  I  have  always  con- 
demned.    If  a  candidate  cannot  be  found  who 
is  popular  on  the  other  side  on  the  bare  repu- 
tation of  being  their  friend,  without,  in  fact,  be- 
ing on  any  side,  but  that  of  his  country,  I  should 
much  prefer  to  have  General  Pinckney  opposed 
to  Mr.  Madison,  even  against  a  possibility  of 


24 

success.  I  know  not,  dear  sir,  what  your  opin- 
ions are  on  the  present  state  of  our  affairs.  To 
a  report,  which  is  current  in  this  part  of  the 
country,  that  you  are  on  the  side  of  the  execu- 
tive, through  the  whole  of  his  administration,  I 
oppose  the  history  and  maxims  of  your  life. 

May  I  take  the  freedom  to  ask  of  you,  your 
opinion  on  the  public  measure  which  has  so 
agitated  our  Country  ?  I  take  some  confidence, 
in  making  this  enquiry,  from  the  circumstance, 
that  you  have  confided  to  me  opinions,  interest- 
ing as  any  can  be,  which  you  may  express  on 
the  Embargo.  The  answer  with  which  you 
may  favour  me,  shall  be  added  to  the  stock  of 
my  port  folio,  subject  to  no  other  disposition 
than  what  the  deepest  solicitude  for  your  fame 
may  hereafter  dictate. 

Please  to  make  my  most  cordial  remembran- 
ces acceptable  to  Mrs.  Adams,  and  your  family. 

With  veneration  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Adams. 


25 
LETTER  X. 

QUINCY,  Sept.  27th,  1808. 

Dear  Sir, 

The  papers  to  number  six,  which 
you  mention  in  your  kind  letter  of  the  19th,  I 
have  never  seen  nor  heard.  In  what  paper  or 
pamphlet  were  they  published  ? 

The  federalists,  I  think,  might  suffer  my  old 
lamp  to  go  out,  without  administering  their  nau- 
seous oil  merely  to  excite  a  momentary  flash, 
before  it  expires. 

Do  you  think  the  federalists  believe  them- 
selves, when  they  say,  that  I  am  on  the  side  of 
the  executive,  through  the  whole  of  his  admi- 
nistration ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  approve  of 
the  repeal  of  the  Judiciary  law,  which  I  recom- 
mended to  Congress  ?  which  I  believe  to  be 
one  of  the  best  of  laws  ?  which  was  made  by 
the  advice  and  repeated  solicitations  of  the 
Judges,  for  several  years  ?  which  I  took  infinite 
pains  to  organize  with  a  selection  of  the  ablest 
men  and  fairest  characters  in  the  nation  ?  a  re- 
peal, which  I  always  believed  to  be  a  violation 
of  the  constitution  ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  ap- 


26 

prove  of  the  neglect  and  mismanagement  of  the 
navy  ?  The  omission  to  build  more  ships  ?  The 
neglect  to  fortify  our  most  important  cities  and 
exposed  places  ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  approve 
of  the  repeal  of  the  taxes,  which  would  have 
enabled  us  not  only  to  make  the  necessary  pre- 
parations against  the  formidable  dangers  that 
surrounded  us,  but  gradually  to  diminish  the  na- 
tional debt  ?  Do  they  believe  that  I  approve  of 
the  removals  of  so  many  of  the  best  men,  or  the 
appointments  of  so  many  of  the  worst  ?  Do  they 
believe,  that  I  approve  of  twenty  other  things, 
too  many  to  be  enumerated  ?  Oh  no !  They  be- 
lieve no  such  things.  But  they  are  conscious, 
they  have  injured  me  and  mine,  and  are  only 
forging  false  and  awkward  excuses  for  it 

It  is  true,  I  have  not  joined  in  the  clamour 
against  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  because  I 
know,  that  if  the  union  of  the  northern,  south- 
ern, and  western  states  was  to  continue,  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  essential 
to  its  preservation.  I  have  not  joined  in  the 
clamour  against  gun-boats,  though  I  despise 
them,  because  I  thought  gun-boats  better  than 
nothing,  and  because,  I  thought  the  government 


27 

ought  not  to  be  opposed  in  any  measures  of  de- 
fence merely  because  they  would  not  adopt  such 
as  I  thought  the  best.  I  have  not  clamoured 
against  the  embargo,  because  I  thought  it  a  ne- 
cessary temporary  measure,  well  knowing  that 
it  could  not  be  of  long  duration.  I  agree  with 
you,  that  it  ought  to  have  been  limited  to  some 
period.  Any  long  continuance  of  it,  is  not  con- 
formable to  my  feelings  or  judgment.  I  had 
much  rather  hear  a  cry  in  Congress,  like  that 
which  has  so  often  sounded  in  the  British  Par- 
liament, "  Who  shall  dare,  to  set  limits  to  the 
commerce  and  naval  power  of  this  country  ?" 
In  refusing  to  acknowledge  a  right  in  Great 
Britain  to  impress  seamen  from  our  ships,  in 
opposing  and  resisting  the  decrees  and  orders 
of  France  and  England,  in  resisting  the  outra- 
ges and  hostilities  committed  upon  us,  the  ad- 
ministration have  my  hearty  wishes  for  their 
success. 

You  have  read  in  Thompson's  Liberty : — 

"  Amidst  the  low  murmurings  of  submissive  fear 
And  mingled  rage,  my  Hambden  rais'd  his  voice, 
And  to  the  laws  appeal'd." 

Mingled  fear  and  rage  are  now  the  predominant 


28 

passions  of  our  nation,  and  such  is  the  noise  and 
fury,  that  the  still  small  voice  of  reason  cannot 
be  heard.  If  I  were  only  forty  years  old,  I 
might  have  enthusiasm  enough  to  hope  that  I 
could  ride  in  the  whirlwind.  But  at  seventy- 
three  it  would  be  delirium. 

I  have  nothing  to  hope  or  wish  but  repose, 
and  they  will  not  allow  me  even  that  small  con- 
solation. 

As  I  am  not  consulted  by  any  party  or  any 
individual,  I  take  no  share,  and  very  little  inte- 
rest, in  the  approaching  election.  Hamilton's 
ambition,  intrigues,  and  caucusses  have  ruined 
the  cause  of  federalism,  by  encumbering  and 
entangling  it  with  men  and  measures,  that  ought 
never  to  have  been  brought  forward.  I  have 
no  objection  to  Pinckne}r,  but  a  full  persuasion 
that  he  never  can  rise  to  the  chair,  and,  a  more 
complete  conviction  still,  that  he  ought  never 
to  have  been  nominated  for  it. 

As  you  have  mentioned  my  son,  I  shall  take 
the  liberty  to  say,  that  his  conduct,  as  far  as  I 
know  it,  has  been  able,  upright,  candid,  impar- 
tial and  independent.  His  letter  to  Mr.  Otis,  I 
applaud  and  admire.  His  resignation  I  approve. 


29 

He  would  have  been  more  politic  if  he  had  de- 
clined his  invitation  to  the  caucus,  though  the 
question  was  only  between  Mr.  Madison  and 
Mr.  Monroe,  and  knowing  both,  I  should  cer- 
tainly, as  he  did,  prefer  the  former  to  the  latter. 
The  policy  of  a  limitation  to  the  embargo,  is, 
in  a  national  view,  and  on  a  large  scale,  a  nice 
question.  I  should,  probably,  have  been  for  it, 
but  there  is  so  much  to  be  said  on  the  other 
side,  that  I  cannot  censure  my  son  for  agreeing 
to  it,  without  limitation,  believing  as  he  did  and 
had  reason  to  believe,  that  it  would  soon  be  re- 
pealed. _,  The  Federalists,  by  their  intolerance, 
have  gone  far  towards  justifying,  or  at  least  ex- 
cusing, Jefferson  for  his ;  and  for  the  future,  it 
seems  to  be  established  as  a  principle,  that  our 
government  is  forever  to  be,  not  a  national  but 
a  party  government./  How  long  such  a  maxim 
can  be  maintained  consistently  with  any  civil 
government  at  all,  time  will  determine.  /  While 
it  lasts,  all  we  can  hope  is,  that  in  the  game  at 
leap  frog,  once  in  eight  or  twelve  years,  the 
party  of  the  OUTS  will  leap  over  the  head  and 
shoulders  of  the  INS  ;  for,  I  own  to  you,  I  have 
so  little  confidence  in  the  wisdom,  prudence  or 


30 

virtue  of  either  party,  that  I  should  be  nearly 
as  willing  that  one  should  be  absolute  and  un- 
checked as  the  other.*  Thus,  sir,  I  have  given 
you  some  hints  of  my  general  views  of  things, 
but  I  wish  to  remain  in  obscurity,  and  by  no 
means  to  become  the  subject  of  conversation  or 
speculation. 

My  family  returns  your  compliments  to  yours 

with  your  friend, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham, 
Fitchburg. 

*  The  following  note,  in  the  hand-writing  of  Mr.  Mams'1  cor- 
respondent, is  appended  to  the  original  letter  from  Mr.  A. 

"  Mr.  Adams^has  since  determined  which  of  these  parties 
he  would  have  l  absolute  and  unchecked,'  although  it  ap- 
pears by  this  very  letter,  that  the  party  he  would  now  have 
dominant,  have  -violated  the  constitution,  and  done  many  re- 
prehensible acts.  And  he  has  so  far  got  the  better  of  the 
'  delirium  of  seventy-three'  that  he  has  mounted  the  seat  of 
Phaeton  to  guide  tre  chariot  of'  fire  through  the  murmurs 
of  submissive  fear  and  mingled  rage." 

LETTER  XL 

FITCHBURG,  Oct.  5th,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  papers,  to  which  you  have 
obligingly  asked  a  more  particular  reference, 


31 

were  published  in  the  Palladium,  with  the  sig- 
nature of  Chatham.  I  deemed  their  composi- 
tion in  a  higher  strain  than  my  principles  sug- 
gested, to  be  necessary  to  arrest  the  public  at- 
tention. In  moments  of  peculiar  excitement, 
the  ruling  passion  is  frequently  the  only  avenue 
through  which  sober  reflections  can  be  convey- 
ed to  the  judgment ;  and,  that  pass  is  often  times 
best  secured  by  a  vapouring  herald ;  but  bold 
and  boisterous  as  mine  was,  delusion  kept  the 
ground  against  him.  My  design,  as  I  commu- 
nicated it  in  the  envelope  of  my  first  number, 
was  to  shew  that  neither  Mr.  Jefferson,  nor  a 
convert  to  his  crude  "opinions,  would  be  proper 
to  preside  over  this  commercial  nation — and,  to 
an  enlarged  view  of  commerce,  I  intended  to 
add  an  illustration  of  its  advantages  by  exam- 
ples. Objections  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  brought  af- 
ter them  an  obligation  to  specify  the  qualifica- 
tions, which,  a  free,  opulent  and  independent 
people  should  regard  in  the  choice  of  their 
chief  magistrate.  These  qualifications  are,  I 
conceive,  eminently  combined  in  Mr.  J.  Q.  Ad- 
ams. I  spoke  of  him  on  a  thorough  acquain- 
tance with  his  political  course ;  and  it  did  not 


32 

escape  me,  that  he  was  the  first  writer  in  this 
country,  who  publicly  arraigned  the  pretensions 
of  Genet,  and  that  his  appointment  to  the 
Hague  was  the  well  earned,  but  unsolicited  re- 
ward of  his  extrication  of  the  Executive  from 
the  embarrassments  and  perplexities  in  which 
he  was  involved  by  the  bold  and  extraordinary 
proceedings  of  that  hair-brained  and  contagious 
revolutionist.  But,  in  addition  to  a  competent 
capacity,  an  indication  should  be  taken  from 
the  temper  of  the  times,  in  which  there  may  be 
something  either  to  impede  or  facilitate  "  the 
march  of  great  talents."  From  this  considera- 
tion, the  pretensions  of  Mr.  J.  Q.  A.  derived 
vast  accession  ;  it  appeared  to  me,  as  if  Provi- 
dence in  favour,  had  caused  proof  of  his  patri- 
otism and  independence  to  spring  out  of  his  in- 
tegrity, in  a  trying  situation,  for  the  very  purpose 
of  ensuring  to  his  virtues  a  passage  to  the  Pre- 
sidency. It  was  for  acting  conformably  to  these 
impressions  that  I  met  the  repulse  I  have  before 
related.  The  declination  of  the  editors  to  print 
the  panegyric,  was  graciously  enough  express- 
ed, in  a  letter — it  was  by  others,  that  I  was  re- 
primanded. 


33 

In  a  succeeding  number  to  that  which  con- 
tained the  exceptionable  matter  above,  (for  I 
sent  two  numbers  at  once)  I  was  so  unfortunate 
as  to  provoke  censure  for  advancing  what  is  now 
considered  an  indefensible  tenet  in  politics.  In 
opposition  to  the  opinion  of  a  sprightly  author, 
who  has  lately  appeared  with  the  signature  of 
Espriella,  I  asserted  it  to  be  politic  in  a  na- 
tion, to  associate  manufactures  with  their  trade, 
and  that  it  was  not  too  soon  to  begin,  in  this 
country,  to  link  them  together.  Denied  a  ve- 
hicle for  such  speculations,  I  discontinued  writ- 
ing them.  The  frankness,  sir,  with  which  you 
have  replied  to  my  letter  of  the  19th  ult.  en- 
courages me  to  seek  an  elucidation  of  an  event, 
the  causes  of  which  I  have  never  seen  publicly 
unfolded,  and^  which  Col.  Pickering  has  nearly 
pronounced  inexplicable 1  mean  his  dis- 
mission. In  his  last  printed  letter,  he  says,  you 
never  told  him  what  it  was  for  !  I  was  in  Phila- 
delphia soon  after  that  transaction,  where  1 
heard  it  accounted  for  in  the  following  manner : 
That  Mr.  Listen,  expressing  to  the  Secretary 
his  apprehensions  of  another  mission  to  France, 

was  quieted  by  the  Secretary's  assurances  that 
6 


34 

another  would  not  be  made — That,  when  ano- 
ther mission  was  soon  after  concluded  on,  his 
aversions  to  any  farther  negociation  with  France 
were  so  untameable,  and  so  indecorously  ex- 
pressed, as  to  render  him  an  unfit  medium  for 
the  communications  between  the  two  govern- 
ments, and  unsuitable  to  remain  in  a  ministerial 
station.  As  this  explanation  furnished  adequate 
reasons  for  his  dismission,  I  was  easy  with  it, 
but  it  cannot  give  me  the  satisfaction  of  your 
own  exposition. 

I  have  taken  the  freedom  to  enclose  a  news- 
paper, which  contains,  on  its  first  page,  some 
observations  written  by  me  on  the  manufacture 
of  cider,  which  may,  possibly,  amuse. 

With  veneration  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Adams. 

Quincy,  Mass. 

LETTER  XII. 

QUINCY,  Oct.  15,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  information  in  your  last  letter, 
to  look  in  the  Palladium  for  certain  specula- 


35 

tions,  is  very  agreeable.  As  I  have  never  sub- 
scribed for  that  paper,  I  have  never  read  them. 
Indeed  I  seldom  see  it.  Your  friendship  for  J. 
Q.  Adams,  encourages  me  to  say,  that  Wash- 
ington was  indeed  under  obligations  to  him,  for 
turning  the  tide  of  sentiment  against  Genet,  and 
he  was  sensible  of  it  and  grateful  for  it.  The  en- 
thusiasm for  Genet  and  France  and  the  French 
revolution,  was  at  that  time,  almost  universal 
throughout  the  United  States,  but,  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  especially  in  Philadelphia,  the  rage 
was  irresistible.  Mifflin,  M'Kean,  and  all  the 
principal  popular  men  in  that  state,  were  open- 
ly for  war  against  England  in  alliance  with 
France.  Marat,  Robespiere,  Brissot,  and  the 
Mountain,  were  the  constant  themes  of  panegy- 
ric and  the  daily  toasts  at  table.  Gov.  Mifflin 
invited  me  to  dine  with  him ;  Genet  and  his 
suite  were  there,  with  many  others  of  the  prin- 
cipal men  of  Philadelphia.  The  Governor  gave 
for  a  toast, — "  The  ruling  powers  in  France ; — 
May  the  United  States  of  America,  in  alliance 
with  them,  declare  war  against  England."  MifF- 
lin  perceived,  that  I  did  not  drink  his  toast,  and, 
as  I  sat  next  to  him,  he  whispered  to  me  in  a 


36 

friendly  way,  "  I  know  I  shall  be  too  high  for 
you,  and  therefore  no  offence  will  be  taken  if 
you  withdraw  from  the  company."  I  accord- 
ingly took  French  leave.  Jonathan  Dickenson 
Sargeant  and  Dr.  Hutchinson,  two  old  revoluti- 
o'nary  Americans,  extremely  popular,  put  them- 
selves at  the  head  of  the  mob.  Washington's 
house  was  surrounded  by  an  innumerable  mul- 
titude, from  day  to  day,  huzzaing,  demanding 
war  against  England,  cursing  Washington,  and 
crying  success  to  the  French  patriots  and  vir- 
tuous republicans.  Frederic  A.  Muhlenburg, 
the  speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives, 
toasted  publicly, — "  The  Mountain,  may  it  be  a 
pyramid'that  shall  reach  the  skies."  J.  Q.  Adams' 
writings  first  turned  this  tide;  and,  the  yel- 
low fever  completed  the  salvation  of  Washing- 
ton. Sargeant  and  Hutchinson  died  of  it.  I  was 
assured  soon  after  by  some  of  the  most  sensible, 
substantial,  and  intelligent  of  the  Quakers,  that 
nothing  but  the  yellow  fever  saved  Washington 
from  being  dragged  out  of  his  house,  or  being 
compelled  to  declare  war  against  England.  Not 
all  Washington's  ministers,  Hamilton  and  Pick- 
ering included,  could  have  written  those  papers, 


37 

which  were  so  fatal  to  Genet.  Washington  saw 
it,  and  felt  his  obligations.  He  took  great  pains 
to  find  out  their  author.  The  first  notice  I  had, 
of  his  design  to  appoint  my  son  to  a  mission 
abroad,  was  from  his  secretary  of  state,  Ran* 
dolph,  who  told  me  he  had  been  ordered  to  en- 
quire of  the  members  of  congress,  and  others, 
concerning  the  life  and  character  of  J.  Q.  Adams, 
and,  he  was,  that  day,  to  report  in  favour  of  his 
appointment.  His  correspondence  with  gov- 
ernment, and  with  his  private  friends,  was  so 
universally  admired,  and  especially  by  Picker- 
ing and  Washington,  that  the  latter  not  only  felt 
his  present  obligations,  but  remembered  the 
past.  I  will  give  you  one  proof,  selected  from 
many,  in  a  letter  from  him  to  me,  in  these  words, 
the  original  of  which,  all  in  his  own  hand  writ- 
ing, is  now  before  .me. 

Monday,  Feb.  20th  1797. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  giving  me  the  perusal 
of  the  enclosed.  The  sentiments  do  honor  to  the  head 
and  heart  of  the  writer; — and  if  my  wishes  would  be 
of  any  avail,  they  should  go  to  you  in  a  strong  hope,  that 
you  will  not  witfihold  merited  promotion  from  Mr.  John  Q,. 
Adams,  because  he  is  your  son. — For  without  intending  to 


38 

compliment  the  father  or  the  mother,  or  to  censure  any 
others,  I  give  it  as  my  decided  opinion,  that  Mr.  Adams  is 
the  most  valuable  public  character  we  have  abroad  ; — And, 
that  there  remains  no  doubt  in  my  mind,  that  he  will  prove 
himself  to  be  the  ablest  of  all  our  diplomatic  corps.  If  he 
was  now  to  be  brought  into  that  line,  or  into  any  other  pub- 
lic walk,  I  could  not,  upon  the  principle  which  has  regulat- 
ed my  own  conduct,  disapprove  of  the  caution,  which  is 
hinted  at  in  the  letter.  But  he  is  already  entered  ; — the 
public,  more  and  more,  as  he  is  known,  are  appreciating 
his  talents  and  worth  ; — and  his  country  would  sustain  a  loss, 
if  these  were  to  be  checked  by  over  delicacy  on  your  part," 
With  sincere  esteem  and  affectionate  regard, 
I  am  ever  yours, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON. 
Vice-President. 

Please  to  recollect  who  were  our  ambassa- 
dors abroad,  at  the  date  of  that  letter.  The 
presses,  in  this  country,  are  under  party  licen- 
ces. Many  pieces  in  honor  of  Mr.  J.  Q.  Ad- 
ams have  been  refused  admittance  into  all  the 
federal  papers,  as  I  have  been  informed. 

Mr.  Pickering's  conscience,  if  it  was  faithful 
to  its  trust,  must  have  suggested  to  him  very 
sufficient  reasons  for  his  removal.  If  his  mem- 
ory is  not  decayed  he  may  easily  now  recollect 
them. 

Caesar's  wife  must  not  be  suspected,  was  all 
the  reason  he  gave  for  repudiating  her.  Rea- 


39 

sons  of  state,  are  not  always  to  be  submitted  to 
newspaper  discussion.  It  is  sufficient  for  me 
to  say,  that  I  had  reasons  enough  not  only  to 
satisfy  me,  but  to  make  it  my  indispensible  du- 
ty. Reasons  which  upon  the  coolest  delibera- 
tion, I  still  approve.  I  was  not  so  ignorant  of 
Mr.  Pickering,  his  family  relations,  his  politi- 
cal, military  and  local  connections,  as  not  to  be 
well  aware  of  the  consequences  to  myself.  I 
said,  at  the  time,  to  a  few  confidential  friends, 
that  I  signed  my  own  dismission  when  I  sign- 
ed his,  and  that  he  would  rise  again,  but  I 
should  fall  forever.  The  reason  you  heard  in 
Philadelphia,  was  quite  sufficient,  if  there  had 
been  no  other,  but  there  were  many  others  and 
much  stronger  reasons.  His  removal  was  one 
of  the  most  deliberate,  virtuous  and  disinterest- 
ed actions  of  my  Life.  (Ifany  future  historian 
should  have  access  to  the  letter  books  of  the 
Secretaries  of  state  and  compare  Mr.  Picker- 
ing's negotiations  with  England,  with  those  of 
his  successor,  Mr.  Marshall,  he  will  see  reasons 
enough  for  the  exchange  of  ministers.  In  con- 
sequence of  Mr.  Pickering's  removal,  I  was  en- 
abled to  negotiate  and  complete  a  peace  with 

3  ? 


40 

France,  and  an  amicable  settlement  with  Eng- 
land.    This  is  reason  enoughT/(jVLr.  Pickering 
would  have  made  a  good  collector  of  the  cus- 
toms ;  but,  he  was  not  so  well  qualified  for  a 
^Secretary   of  state.     He  was   so  devoted  an 
,  Idolater  of  Hamilton,  that  he  could  not  judge 
impartially  of  the  sentiments  and  opinions  of 

the  President  of  the  U.  States.  Look  into  Hamil- 

• 

j  M  ton's  Pamphlet.  Observe  the  pretended  infor- 
mation of  things  which  could  have  only  passed 
between  me  and  my  cabinet.  False  and  abu- 
sive as  they  were,  where  could  he  pretend  to 
• *  have  derived  them  ?j  But,  I  am  not  yet  to  re- 
veal the  whole  mystery.  What  I  have  said  is 
to  remain  in  your  own  breast.  I  have  no  dis- 
position to  enter  into  newspaper  controversies 
with  Pickering,  or  his  friends  or  Editors. 

I  thank  you  for  your  observations  on  cider, 
and  remain  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Mr.  William  Cunningham,  Jr. 
Fitchburg. 


41 
LETTER  XIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Oct.  22,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

Anxious  as  I  am  for  the  due  appre- 
ciation by  the  public  of  the  merits  of  Mr.  John 
Quincy  Adams,  the  invaluable  testimonial  of 
President  Washington,  contained  in  your  Let- 
ter of  the  15th  instant,  could  scarcely  have  been 
more  gratifying  to  yourself  than  it  is  pleasing 
to  me.  I  perceive,  with  much  satisfaction,  that 
the  most  essential  parts  of  it  may  go  into  circu- 
lation without  the  least  hazard  to  your  repose 
— to  that  extent,  I  shall  not  consider  myself  in- 
terdicted in  its  use  by  the  obligations  I  owe  to 
the  confidence  you  have  reposed  in  me — I  am 
happy  in  the  thought,  that  it  has  been  too  de- 
liberately reposed  to  suffer  your  peace  to  be 
disturbed  by  any  fear  of  my  indiscretion. 

I  am  deeply  sensible  to  your  kindness  in 
making  me  acquainted  with  many  of  the  rea- 
sons for  the  dismission  of  Mr.  Pickering.  What 
you  have  disclosed  shall  be  inviolably  kept. 
If  by  the  expression  "  But  I  am  not  yet  to  re- 
veal the  whole  mystery,"  I  am  to  understand 

your  fixed  resolution  to  make,  at  present,  no 

7 


42 

farther  developement,  I  beg  that  I  may  not  be 
suspected  of  attempting  to  change  it,  nor  of  ev- 
en entertaining  a  curiosity  to  know  its  reasons 
— I  will  only  entreat  to  be  initiated  into  the 
whole  mystery  when  you  may  deem  it  to  be 
proper.  But,  if  the  disclosure  is  too  interesting 
to  be  made  but  on  engagements  of  fidelity 
made  with  more  than  common  solemnity,  you 
may,  dear  Sir,  consider  such  an  engagement  as 
conditional  to  a  farther  communication. 
With  affection  and  respect, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XIV. 

QUINCY,  JVov.  7,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  Letter  of  General  Washington 
would  have  remained  in  obscurity  forever,  as 
far  as  I  know,  as  it  has  done  for  twelve  years 
past,  had  not  a  mean  vengeance  been  hurled  on 
the  subject  of  it,  for  no  other  offence  than  his 
sterling  integrity. 


43 

You  are  the  first  person,  except  one,  who 
ever  asked  me  a  question  concerning  the  rea- 
sons for  releasing  a  certain  gentleman  from  the 
burthen  of  public  office.  That  one  was  Barna- 
bas Bidwell,  in  the  violence  of  the  tempest  oc- 
casioned by  the  Presidential  Election  in  1800. 
Believing  his  curiosity  to  be  insidious,  I  gave 
him  a  civil  but  short  answer,  that  he  was  a  man 
of  too  much  information  not  to  perceive  the 
impropriety  of  my  complying  with  his  request. 
Though  circumstances  are  now  altered,  1  shall 
insist  that  whatever  I  write  to  you  upon  the 
subject  shall  be  confidential  as  long  as  I  live. 

What  is  it  you  require  of  me  ?  Nothing  less 
than  a  volume,  which  I  have  neither  eyes,  nor 
hands,  nor  time,  nor  inclination  to  write,  be- 
cause it  must  contain  the  portraits  of  all  my 
five  ministers :  of  a  Dayton,  a  Hillhouse,  a 
Goodhue  in  the  senate,  of  an  Otis,  a  Sitgreaves . 
a  Bayard  and  a  Harper,  and  several  others  in 
the  House,  with  a  Hamilton  behind  the  scene  ; 
of  a  M'Donald,  a  William  Moore  Smith,  agent 
for  British  creditors,  a  John  Ward  Fenno,  and 
a  Porcupine  Cobbet,  and  many  others  out  of 
doors.  I  have  not  mentioned  a  Listen,  nor  a 


44 

Bond,  because  whatever  their  secret  influence 
might  be,  they  were  at  least  discreet.  The 
subterranean  intrigues  as  well  as  the  overt  acts 
must  be  developed  and  described. 

The  gentleman  has  wreaked  his  revenge  on 
my  Son,  in  letters,  which  shew  the  character 
of  the  man,  bitter  and  malignant,  ignorant  and 
Jesuitical.  His  revenge  has  been  sweet,  and  he 
has  rolled  it  as  a  delicious  morsel  under  his 
tongue. 

Suppose  I  should  tell  you,  that  the  studies 
of  his  early  youth,  and  of  his  riper  years,  had 
not  been  competent  to  the  profound  investiga- 
tions which  his  office  required.  We  had  dis- 
cussions of  great  importance  with  France,  Eng- 
land and  Spain,  especially  the  two  former,  in- 
volving questions  respecting  neutral  rights,  res- 
pecting British  and  Tory  claims  of  anti-revolu- 
tionary debts.  I  could  get  "nothing  done  as  I 
would  have  it.  My  new  minister,  Marshall,  did 
all,  to  my  entire  satisfaction. 

Suppose  I  should  say  he  was  very  superficial- 
ly read  in  the  law  of  nations — Suppose  I  should 
say  he  was  very  far  from  any  familiar  and  ex- 
tensive acquaintance  with  the  laws  of  England. 


45 

and  indeed  of  his  own  land — Who  would  believe 
me?  The  gentleman  himself  would  believe  me, 
because  he  is  conscious  of  it,  but  he  would  not 
be  likely  to  confess  <t  in  public.  Perhaps  half 
a  dozen,  or  a  dozen,  men  in  the  union,  know  it, 
but  these  would  be  very  unwilling  to  testify  to 
it.  Would  it  be  decent,  would  it  be  possible, 
for  a  President  to  publish  such  reasons,  and  en- 
ter into  endless  disputes  in  the  newspapers  to 
support  them  ? 

(His  intrigues  with  senators  in  opposition  to 
me,  and  to  measures  I  had  adopted,  and  nomi- 
nations I  had  made,  led  the  senate  into  viola- 
tions of  the  constitution,  particularly  in  the  no- 
minations of  Mr.  Murray,  Mr.  Gerry  and  Col. 
Smith.  His  encharnament  against  Mr.  Gerry, 
whose  negotiations  were  more  useful  and  suc- 
cessful, than  those  of  either  of  his  colleagues, 
was  so  furious,  that  he  urged  upon  me  a  report 
containing  a  phillippic  against  Gerry  as  violent 
and  outrageous  as  it  was  false  and  groundless. 
I  blotted  it  out,  but  he  was  so  angry  at  it, 'that 
he  scarcely  treated  me  with  decency.  I  final- 
ly, however,  admitted  some  expressions  to  pass 
which  I  am  now  very  sorry  for7  , 


46 

In  every  step  of  the  progress  of  the  negotia- 
tions with  France  he  opposed,  obstructed,  and 
embarrassed  me  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  and 
in  some  instances,  with  the  secret  aid  of  Hamil- 
ton, as  I  suppose,  had  the  art  to  get  all  the  other 
four  of  my  ministers  to  join  him. 

Before  I  left  Philadelphia,  I  had  called  togeth- 
er all  the  five  heads  of  departments,  to  consult 
upon  instructions  to  Mr.  Ellsworth,  Mr.  Davie, 
^&nd  Mr.  Murray,  in   their   negotiations   with 
.  France.    We  had  met  several  days,  and  discus- 
§  sed  every  point  in  controversy.     We  had  rea- 
x  soned,  and  examined,  and  convinced  one  anoth- 
^S^er,  until  we  had  agreed  unanimously  upon  eve- 
~..J  ry  article,  and  reduced  the  whole  to  writing. — 
s^  I  gave  it  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  reduce  it 
*  into  form,  correct  the  language  where  it  want- 
•>f   ed  any  alteration,  make  a  fair  copy,  and  send 
~  it,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  me,  at  Quincy,  for  re- 
vision and  correction,  that  I  might  sign  the  in- 
structions to  be  delivered  to  the  Envoys.     Ar- 
rived at  Quincy,  I  expected  them  by  every  post. 
Week  after  week  passed  away  and  no  Instruc- 
tions arrived.     I  was  uneasy,  because  our  En- 
voys ought  to  be  upon  their  passage.  //After  a 


41 

W 

long  time,  instead  of  Instructions,  came  a  letter 

to  me  signed  by  all  five  of  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments, advising  and  most  earnestly  intreating 
me  to  suspend  the  embarkation  of  the  minis- 
ters. This  trifling,  this  negligence  of  duty,  this 
downright  disobedience  of  my  orders,  most  se- 
riously alarmed  me.  I  was  responsible  alone  to 
my  country  for  measures,  which  I  knew  to  be 
indispensible  to  avoid  a  war  abroad  with  France, 
and  a  civil  war  at  home,  while  we  were  involv- 
ed and  embroiled  with  England  in  very  difficult 
controversies,  and  I  could  get  nothing  done]  IJL 
very  cooly,  however,  preserved  my  temper,  and 
set  off  immediately  for  Trenton  to  meet  my  gen- 
tlemen, face  to  face.  At  Trenton  I  found  the 
gentlemen  had  Avrought  themselves  up  to  a  per- 
fect enthusiasm  and  delusion.  They  appeared 
to  be  fully  convinced  that  the  first  ships  would 
bring  intelligence  of  the  restoration  of  Louis 
the  eighteenth.  Suwarrow  at  the  head  of  a  Rus- 
sian army  on  one  side,  and  Prince  Charles  at 
the  head  of  an  Austrian  army  on  the  other, 
were  to  conduct  Louis  18th  to  Paris  and  Ver- 
sailles in  splendor  and  triumph.  I  preserved 
my  temper  very  happily  :  called  my  ministers 


48 

together,  heard  all  their  reasons  with  the  ut- 
most coolness  and  candour,  gave  my  reasons 
and  opinions  in  answer  to  theirs,  and  decided 
that  the  instructions  should  be  finished  and  the 
\,  ambassadors  embarked  as  soon  as  possible, 
jnvhich  was  done,  and  they  brought  back  peace 
abroad  and  at  homeTffl  found  Hamilton  at  Tren- 
ton. He  came  to  visit  me.  I  said  nothing  to 
him  upon  politics.  He  began  to  give  his  advice 
unasked.  I  heard  him  with  perfect  good  hu- 
mour, though,  never  in  my  life,  did  I  hear  a 
man  talk  more  like  a  fool.  "  The  English  nation 
had  the  most  perfect  confidence  in  Mr.  Pitt,  and 
Mr.  Pitt  was  determined  '  to  restore  the  house 
of  Bourbon,'  the  two  imperial  courts  were  also 
determined  to  restore  the  Bourbons,  their  ar- 
mies were  triumphant,  Louis  18th  would  be  in 
glory  at  Versailles  before  my  ministers  could 
arrive  there!  Offence  would  be  taken  at  my 
sending  a  mission  to  the  Directory,"  and  twenty 
other  wild  extravagancies  in  the  same  style  of 
dogmatical  confidence.  I  answered  every  one 
of  his  topics  with  candour  and  temper,  in  too 
long  a  detail  to  be  repeated  here.  Time  has 
shewn  that  I  was  risjht  and  he  wrong  in  every 
particular.1^  '  Sfc.y  W"*  7,  / 


49 

friiey  had  even  wrought  upon  Mr.  Ellsworth 
to  believe  that  the  Bourbons  would  be  restored 
before  winter.  He  and  Mr.  Davie,  at  dinner 
alone  with  me,  conversing  upon  the  subject, 
Ellsworth  let  fall  an  expression  to  that  purpose, 
when  I  turned  to  him  and  said,  "  Mr.  Ellsworth, 
do  you  seriously  believe  that  the  Bourbons  will 
be  restored  so  soon  ?"  He  answered,  "  Why : 
it  looks  a  good  deal  so."  Upon  that,  I  said  to 
them  both,  "  Gentlemen,  you  may  depend  upon 
it,  the  Bourbons  will  not  be  restored  these  se- 
ven years,  if  they  ever  are.  I  request  you,  se- 
ven years  hence  to  recollect  what  I  now  say  to 
you,"  and  I  supported  my  opinion  by  a  long  ar- 
gument drawn  from  the  nature  and  history  of 
all  coalitions,  from  the  waste  of  northern  ar- 
mies by  sickness  and  desertion  in  France,  from 
that  forest  of  fortifications  with  which  France 
is  every  where  defended,  from  the  property 
now  possessed  by  revolutionary  men,  and  es- 
pecially from  the  enthusiasm  and  revolutiona- 
ry fury  that  still  possessed  the  people  of  France. 
Mr.  Ellsworth,  however,  behaved  throughout 
with  perfect  propriety  and  Mr.  Davie  was  of 
my  opinion  in  all  points 
8 


50 

You  shall  now  give  me  your  opinion,  wheth- 
er I  was  in  the  wrong  in  giving  Mr.  Pickering 
his  conge.  He  is,  for  any  thing  I  know,  a  good 
Son,  Husband,  Father,  Grandfather,  Brother, 
Uncle  and  Cousin :  but  he  is  a  man  in  a  mask, 
sometimes  of  silk,  sometimes  of  iron,  and  some- 
times of  brass.  And  he  can  change  them  very 
suddenly  and  with  some  dexterity,  as  I  could 
shew  you  in  many  instances,  though  I  have 
said  little  or  nothing  about  him,  till  now,  for 
nine  or  ten  years. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XV. 

FITCHBURG,  JVov.  12,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

To  my  letter  of  the  22d  ult.  I  have 
not  been  favoured  with  an  answer,  indeed  my 
expectations  of  an  answer  were  not  confident, 
for  in  case  of  your  disinclination  to  a  farther 
disclosure  concerning  Mr.  Pickering,  the  most 
delicate  and  intelligible  intimation  of  it  could 
be  given  in  silence,  and  from  that,  too,  I  might 


infer  your  assent  to  another  proposition  in  my 
letter  which  you  would  not  favor  with  your  ex- 
press approbation. 

When  the  speculations,  to  which  I  have  late- 
ly referred,  were  published,  I  did  not  take  the 
Palladium,  but  since  its  establishment  as  the 
Government  paper,  I  have  received  it.  In  that 
of  last  Tuesday,  I  see  that  the  publication  of 
my  pieces  is  resumed,  and  from  the  editorial 
note,  which  is  prefixed,  it  appears  that  instead 
of  six,  as  I  have  informed  you,  the  Editors,  in 
Feb.  and  March,  published  seven  numbers.  Of 
my  writings  for  the  press  I  do  not  retain  copies, 
and  it  was  only  from  recollection,  which  had 
not  much  room  to  err,  that  I  said,  it  was  my 
seventh  number  which  contained  the  matter 
treated  by  the  printers  as  inadmissible.  If  in 
the  insertion  of  my  numbers,  they  have  been 
numerally  correct,  they  suppressed,  in  the  sev- 
enth, my  encomiums  on  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams. — 
But,  with  their  files  before  them,  to  what  infer- 
ence are  they  liable,  if  they  have  not  printed  a 
word  of  that  number?  I  should  not  hazard  a 
question  so  pointed  at  their  veracity,  and  solv- 
ible  by  turning  over  a  few  leaves,  if  I  had  not 


52 

the  most  entire  confidence,  that  not  a  single  line 
of  it  has  appeared  in  print 

I  commenced  the  papers  with  the  design  I 
have  communicated  to  you — I  expected  it  would 
hold  me  to  the  full  length  of  "  Discourses  on 
Davila,"  incapable  of  their  imitation  in  any  oth- 
er particular.  Frustrated,  in  part,  I  am  embar- 
rassed with  a  doubt,  whether  the  prosecution  of 
my  plan  will  answer  any  valuable  purpose.  I 
take  the  liberty  to  enclose  the  Palladium  which 
contains  number  eight 

Permit  me,  dear  sir,  to  renew  through  you, 
my  respects  to  Mrs.  Adams,  and  your  family. 
With  veneration  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 
Quincy,  Ms. 


LETTER  XVI. 

FITCHBURG,  Nov.  16,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  person  who  carried  to  the  of- 
fice the  letter  which  I  had  the  pleasure  to  write 


53 

you  the  12th  inst.  brought  me  yours  of  the  9th. 
You  may  depend,  most  assuredly,  that  your  dis- 
closures concerning  the  ci-devant  secretary  shall 
not  be  divulged  while  you  live,  and  may  the  day 
be  distant  which  shall  discharge  me  to  my  dis- 
cretion in  the  use  of  the  important  matter  you 
have  deposited  in  my  bosom. 

The  answer  which  you  demand  on  the  ques- 
tion, you  have  referred  to  my  opinion,  I  give, 
without  hesitation,  in  the  affirmative.  I  ask  my- 
self, what  would  have  been  done  in  such  a  case 
by  any  other  person,  conscious  of  his  compe- 
tency to  the  duties  of  his  high  station,  and  alive 
to  the  responsibility  in  which  it  was  holden  by 
his  country?  What,  for  instance,  would  have 
been  done  by  Cicero?    What  by  the  Earl  of 
Chatham  ?    But,  if  for  your  conduct,  there  was 
required  the  authority  of  precedent,  it  was  fur- 
nished by  your  predecessor  in  his  treatment  of 
Randolph,  and  in  his  answer  to  the  call  of  the 
house  of  representatives  for  the  papers  in  the 
case  of  the  British  treaty.    Of  what  avail  to  the 
nation  is  the  responsibility  of  the  first  officer  in 
the  republic,  if  his  schemes,  constitutional!} 
sanctioned,  can  be  frustrated  by  his  servants  ? 


54 

And  where  is  his  regard  to  his  honor,  his  digni- 
ty and  the  interests  of  his  country,  if  under  the 
most  flagrant  instances  of  their  misdemeanour, 
he  will  forbear  the  exercise  of  his  authority 
over  their  stations  ? 

With  affection  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  *>ldams. 

Quincy,  Mass. 


LETTER  XVn. 

QUINCY,  JVw.  25,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  your  favours  of  the  12th  and 
16th  of  the  month.  The  letter  of  President 
Washington  concerning  John  Q.  Adams  is  at 
your  discretion,  to  make  what  use  of  it,  you 
please.  All  the  communications  concerning  the 
other  gentlemen  made,  or  to  be  made,  I  confide 
to  your  sacred  confidence.  The  great  regard 
I  had  for  your  grandfather,  arid  for  your  grand- 
mother, who  was  a  beloved  sister  of  my  mother, 
and  for  your  father,  have  induced  me,  especially 


55 

as  you  was  the  first,  and  the  only  person,  who 
ever  candidly  asked  me  the  question,  to  com- 
mit to  you  a  few  hints  concerning  a  subject  on 
which  I  have  been  silent  for  so  many  years. 
As,  against  all  the  vile  slanders,  which  have 
been  published,  I  have  never  said  or  written 
a  word  in  my  own  vindication,  I  am  not  about 
to  begin,  by  a  justification  of  myself  for  one  of 
the  most  virtuous  actions  of  my  life.  If  my  ac- 
tions have  not  been  sufficient  to  support  my 
fame,  let  it  perish.  No  higher  ambition  remains 
with  me  than  to  build  a  tomb  upon  the  summit 
of  the  hill  before  my  door,  covered  with  a  six 
foot  cube  of  Quincy  Granite,  with  an  inscrip- 
tion like  this, 

Siste  Viator! 

With  much  delight  these  pleasing  hills  you  view, 
Where  Adams  from  an  envious  world  withdrew, 
Where  sick  of  glory,  faction,  power  and  pride, 
Sure  judge  how  empty  all,  who  all  had  tried, 
Beneath  his  shades  the  weary  chief  repos'd, 
And  life's  great  scene  in  quiet  virtue  clos'd. 

To  return  to  the  famous  gentleman.  He  is  ex- 
tremely susceptible  of  violent  and  inveterate 
prejudices ;  and  yet,  such  are  the  contradictions 
to  be  found  in  human  characters,  he  is  capable 
of  very  sudden  and  violent  transitions  from  one 


56 

extreme  to  an  opposite  extreme.  Under  the 
simple  appearance  of  a  bald  head  and  straight 
hair,  and  under  professions  of  profound  repub- 
licanism, he  conceals  an  ardent  ambition,  en- 
vious of  every  superior,  and  impatient  of  obscu- 
rity. I  always  think  of  a  coal-pit,  covered  over 
with  red  earth,  glowing  within,  but  unable  to  con- 
ceal its  internal  heat,  for  the  interstices  which 
let  out  the  smoke,  and  now  and  then  a  flash 
of  flame.  He  has  been  several  years  in  Senate, 
but  so  totally  obscure  and  insignificant,  as  to 
keep  him  in  an  agony.  Almost  always  in  a  mi- 
nority of  two,  three,  four  or  five,  in  thirty-four, 
rarely  saying  any  thing  that  has  been  worth  re- 
porting, he  broke  out  at  last  in  a  rage,  and 
threw  a  firebrand  into  our  Massachusetts  Le- 
gislature against  his  colleague.  The  stubble 
was  dry  and  the  flame  easily  took  hold.  He  has 
an  hereditary  right  to  this  distinction ;  I  mean 
a  strong  desire  of  celebrity,  with  feeble  means 
of  obtaining  it.  If  ever  you  should  see  the  Sa- 
lem newspapers,  published  forty  or  fifty  years 
ago,  you  will  find  them  abounding  with  the 
writings  of  the  good  Deacon,  his  father,  in  vin- 
dication of  the  rights  and  prerogatives  of  the 


57 

tirst  church  in  Salem.  He  became  so  embold- 
ened by  the  noise  he  made,  that  he  wrote  and 
published  several  letters  to  the  king,  subscrib- 
ed with  his  name.  One  part  of  the  public  was 
amused,  another  diverted,  and  a  third  fatigued 
with  his  ostentatious  vanity  for  some  years. — 
Some  thirty-five  or  thirty-six  years  ago,  I  was 
engaged  in  a  cause  at  Salem  court,  in  which  the 
deacon  was  a  witness.  While  he  was  under  ex- 
amination, though  I  treated  him  with  the  utmost 
respect  and  civility,  he  broke  out,  without  the 
smallest  provocation  into  a  rude  personal  attack 
upon  me.  I  was  then,  as  a  son  of  Liberty,  ob- 
noxious to  the  Judges,  to  the  government,  to 
the  British  ministry,  and  to  the  king.  Though 
I  was  astonished  at  the  deacon's  manners,  I  took 
no  notice  of  them,  till  I  came  to  examine  his 
testimony  in  my  argument  to  the  jury.  I  then 
said  I  could  not  account  for  his  unprovoked  ani- 
mosity to  me,  an  entire  stranger  to  him,  unless 
he  meant  to  recommend  himself  to  somebody 
to  whom  I  was  obnoxious,  and  I  should  not  be 
surprised,  if  in  his  next  letter  to  the  king,  he 
should  do  me  the  honour  to  denounce  me  to  his 

majesty.  This  little  sally  raised  a  general  laugh 
9 


58 

at  the  deacon's  expense,  and,  as  I  suppose  the 
son  was  present,  he  has  never  forgiven  me. — 
The  concatenation  of  little  and  great  events  in 
this  world  is  often  very  whimsical  and  very  ri- 
diculous. 

Have  you  never  seen  the  son's  speech  to  the 
Indians  in  1794,  or  thereabouts?  If  you  have 
not  I  may  send  you  a  copy  of  it.  Great  light 
may  be  thrown  upon  his  character  by  this  doc- 
ument. No  man  I  ever  knew  had  so  deep  a 
contempt  for  Washington.  I  have  had  nume- 
rous proofs  of  it  from  his  own  lips  :  yet,  he  ap- 
pears to  the  world  a  devout  adorer  of  him.  No 
man  was  a  more  animated  advocate  for  the 
French ;  yet,  now  he  is  as  zealous  for  the  En- 
glish. But  enough  of  this  unpleasant  subject. 

1  thank  you  for  the  two  numbers  of  Chatham, 
which  discover  a  good  deal  of  reading  and  re- 
flection. Have  you  read  Bruce's  Travels  into 
Abyssinia  in  search  of  the  source  of  the  Nile  ? 
You  will  find  in  the  second  volume  much  learn- 
ing concerning  David's  commerce  with  Ophir 
and  Tarshish  in  gold  and  silver,  &c. 

I  am,  &c.  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Mr.  William  Cunningham,  Jr. — Fitchburg. 


59 
LETTER  XVIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  3,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  25th  ult.  came  du- 
ly to  hand.  What  you  have  already  confided  to 
me  concerning  Mr.  Pickering,  and  what  more 
you  may  have  the  goodness  to  disclose  I  shall 
not  impart  to  any  one.  I  repeat  this  assurance 
to  relieve  the  solicitude  which  I  perceive  you 
cherish  to  have  me  sensibly  impressed  with  the 
delicacy  and  importance  of  the  communications 
with  which  you  have  honoured  me. 

I  hope,  dear  sir,  that  when  the  great  acts  of 
your  life  shall  be  told  in  marble,  your  country- 
men will  recover  that  just  estimation  of  your 
worth  which  shall  consecrate  in  their  hearts, 
through  every  convulsive  scene,  the  spot  of 
your  interment.  I  have  a  voucher  in  the  ma- 
jesty of  virtue,  and  in  apposite  examples,  for 
asserting  that  it  will  be  so. 

I  will  get,  if  I  can,  the  Salem  Gazettes,  con- 
taining the  anathemas  of  deacon  P.  In  the  old 
block  I  may  see  the  nature  of  the  chip. 

Of  the  speech  of  the  "  straight-haired"  minis- 


60 

ter  Plenipotentiary  to  the  Indians,  I  have  only 
some  indistinct  recollections.  I  would  be  much 
obliged  to  you  for  a  copy  of  it — I  shall  strictly 
analyze  its  bearings  on  the  orator's  character. — 
His  contempt  of  Washington,  and  advocacy  of 
French  fanaticism  are  facts  which,  unfortunate- 
ly, are  unknown  to  the  public.     I  wish  my  sus- 
picions were  obviated  or  confirmed,  that  his  far- 
famed  Report  to  Congress,  on  our  Foreign  Re- 
lations, was  not  his  own  unassisted  performance. 
It  is  due  to  the  deservedly  laurelled  head,  that 
the  baldness,  concealed  under  a  cardinal's  hat, 
should  be  exposed. 

I  thank  you  for  the  reference  to  Bruce's  Tra- 
vels. I  have  some  extracts  from  his  books,  but 
I  have  not  the  work  itself.  I  am  not  unacquaint- 
ed with,  though  I  do  not  own,  a  work  of  much 
higher  worth ;  but  I  know  not  how  to  speak  of 
the  "Defence  of  the  American  Constitutions," 
without  your  taking  an  intimation  that  you  can 
make  me  indebted  for  more  than  the  perusal 
of  it. 

When  Young  and  Minns  resumed  the  publi- 
cation of  Chatham,  they  tendered  me  their  press 
as  a  channel  of  communication  to  the  public  of 


61 

my  essays.  Presuming  that  this  offer  would 
hold  them,  I  concluded  to  write  a  few  more  pa- 
pers, and  to  incorporate  into  one  of  them,  some 
notices  of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams.  To  this  I  was 
induced  by  seeing  the  declination  of  Mr.  Clin- 
ton to  serve  as  Vice-President — And  as  the 
Electors,  on  the  popular  side,  must  make  a  se- 
lection of  another  for  that  office,  I  thought  it 
would  be  neither  impolitic,  nor  too  late,  to  bring 
Mr.  Adams  into  view,  through  a  federal  paper. 
Accordingly  in  number  thirteen,  I  have  spoken 
of  him  at  some  length.  The  papers  containing 
numbers  ten  and  eleven  I  send  herewith. 

With  veneration  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams, 

Quincy. 


LETTER  XIX. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  10,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  had  the  pleasure  to  write  you  the 
3d  inst  I  follow  it  with  this  to  make  the  ex- 


62 

planation  of  the  concluding  part  of  that  letter, 
which  subsequent  discoveries  have  made  ne- 
cessary. I  mentioned  a  particular  object  as  my 
inducement  to  a  public  notice  of  Mr.  John  Q. 
Adams,  in  the  thirteenth  number  of  certain  spe- 
culations, but  it  appears,  that  the  occasion  I  in- 
tended to  influence  has  gone  by  in  advance  of 
my  efforts.  But  this  was  not  owing  to  any  de- 
linquency in  my  endeavours.  The  paper  wras 
received  by  the  printers  on  the  10th  Nov.  and 
if  they  had  not  intermitted  the  publication  of 
the  numbers,  the  number  thirteen  would  have 
appeared  on  Friday  the  22d  of  last  month. — 
That  it  did  not  appear  on  that  day,  I  indeed 
knew  at  the  date  of  my  last ;  but  the  omission 
of  a  number  in  the  Palladium  of  that  day  week, 
was  unknown  to  me.  The  letters  I  prepare  for 
the  mail  are  written  on  post  days,  and  I  very 
frequently  meet  with  matter  in  the  letters  or 
papers  I  receive,  which  affect  the  contents  of 
the  letters  I  had  sent  to  the  office.  This  was 
the  case  when  I  forwarded  my  last  to  you.  I 
found  that  the  regular  appearance  of  my  papers 
had  been  interrupted,  and  that  the  number  thir- 
teen could  not  appear  until  the  6th  instant. — 


63 

Whether  the  editors  neglected  me  on  that  day 
on  purpose  to  defeat  my  views,  I  leave  to  con- 
jecture. It  is  to  wear  away  some  of  the  cha- 
grin their  conduct  has  caused,  that  I  make  this 
elucidation.  As  it  respects  Mr.  Adams,  the 
omission  of  the  paper  will  be  of  little  conse- 
quence, even  though  its  appearance  could  have 
effected  all  I  wished.  I  designated  him  for  the 
office  Mr  Madison  will  be  called  to  vacate.  If 
what  I  have  sent  to  the  press  concerning  Mr. 
Adams  should  appear,  or  has  appeared,  and  it 
should  be  thought  to  be  composed  in  more  can- 
dour than  craftiness,  I  shall  feel  complimented, 
rather  than  wounded,  by  the  opinion.  My  well 
meant  attempts  to  serve  him  have  been  direct- 
ed as  much  by  my  sense  of  duty  to  my  country, 
as  by  the  obligation  of  private  friendship ;  and 
I  am  persuaded  that  I  never  shall  have  occasion 
to  apologise  to  him  for  what  the  union  of  these 
governing  rides  of  reflection  may  suggest  res- 
pecting him. 

I  have  hopes  of  being  favoured  this  evening 
with  the  talk  of  Mr.  Pickering. 

With  affection  and  respect,  I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


64 
LETTER  XX. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  17,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

Since  I  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of 
addressing  you  on  the  10th  inst.  I  have  seen 
two  numbers  of  the  Palladium,  and  found  them 
both  silent  respecting  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams. 
Doubtful  whether  the  editors  would  publish  my 
encomium  on  him,  I  retained  a  copy  which  is 
subjoined,  and  which  shall  release  your  pa- 
tience from  any  further  tax  on  that  subject. 

[Here  follows  a  quotation  from  Chatham  No.  XIII.  writ- 
ten in  an  abbreviated  or  short  hand,  peculiar  to  the  author, 
which  cannot  be  decjphered  by  the  editor.] 

"I  see  it  asserted  in  the  Boston  papers,  that 
the  democratic  editors  will  vote  for  Mr.  Clinton 
for  Vice-President.  In  the  New- York  Evening 
Post,  of  an  early  date  in  November,  I  saw  an 
article  formally  announcing  that  he  declined  be- 
ing a  candidate  for  that  office.  I  may  have  ad- 
mitted it  too  hastily  from  an  impression  long 
before  imbibed,  that  he  would  not  serve  in  that 
station. 

Mrs.  Warren,  in  her  History  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, vol.  II,  page  207,  has  given  in  a  note,  a 


65 

sketch  of  the  character  of  Count  De  Vergen- 
nes,  drawn,  I  presume,  by  your  pen.  Before 
the  appearance  of  this  History,  I  had  publicly 
coupled  the  venality  of  Vergennes  and  the  ob- 
sequiousness of  his  American  vassals,  to  explain 
the  cause  of  an  intermission  in  your  Diplomatic 
career.  I  am  covetous  of  the  information  which 
will  enable  me  to  fortify  this  explanation  with 
the  direct  proofs  of  his  being  visionary,  and  of 
his  destitution  of  moral  worth.  Mrs.  Warren 
had  amassed  much  information,  and  where  she 
has  confined  herself  to  plain  narration  she  ap- 
pears very  well.  In  the  difficult  undertaking 
of  portraying  characters  she  has  betrayed  her 
own  incapacity,  though  it  must  be  acknowledg- 
ed, that  she  has  not  been  unhappy  in  her  delin- 
eations in  the  instances  which  did  not  require 
a  deep  investigation.  She  is  the  most  unfortu- 
nate when  she  assumes  the  umpirage  of  polit- 
ical division. 

With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


10 


66 
LETTER  XXI. 

QUINCY,  Dec.  13th,  1808. 
Dear  Stir, 

Your  favours  of  the  3d  and  10th  are 
received.  The  2d  and  3d  volumes  of  the  De- 
fence are  at  your  service,  provided  I  had  any 
means  of  conveyance  for  them.  But  the  first 
volume  is  not  in  my  power,  having  none  that  I 
can  spare.  An  edition  of  the  first  was  printed 
in  Boston,  perhaps  some  copies  of  it  remain 
there  :  but  I  know  nothing  of  it.  I  laughed 
when  I  read  your  expectation  that  what  you 
had  written  on  John  Quincy  Adams,  would  be 
printed.  I  found  that  you  was  not  acquainted 
with  the  world  as  it  exists  in  Boston.  The  four 
federal  papers  are  under  the  Imprimatur  of  an 
oligarchy  of  purse  proud  speculators,  as  des- 
potic as  the  thirty  tyrants  of  Athens.  Trials 
enough  have  been  made,  as  I  have  been  inform- 
ed, to  insert  many  things  on  the  same  subject, 
and  refused.  You  will  destroy  all  your  credit 
if  you  persevere  in  such  attempts.  Banks  and 
other  vile  pranks,  have  thrown  the  majority  in- 
to the  hands  of  those,  who  were  shapen  in  to- 
ryism,  and,  in  British  idolatry,  did  their  moth- 


67 

ers  conceive  them.  Beware  then  how  you  of- 
fend this  irritable  race  of  refugees.  Whatever 
friendship  you  may  have  retained  for  John 
Quincy  Adams,  or  his  Father,  I  advise  you  to 
conceal  it  close  within  your  own  breast.  If  it 
takes  air  it  will  ruin  your  prospects. 

I  have  been  too  much  occupied  with  other 
things  to  think  of  the  wise  man  of  Salem  :* 
Time  enough.  Be  patient.  Your  designation 
of  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams,  to  the  office  Mr. 
Madison  now  holds,  will  be  as  erroneous,  as  the 
other  to  that  of  Vice  President.  Mr.  Giles, 
Mr.  Munroe,  Mr.  Pope,  Mr.  Mitchell,  Mr. 
twenty  others  will  be  more  likely.  No  !  Mr. 
Adams  must  be  left  where  he  is.  He  is  now 
at  his  ease  and  is  happy,  and  useful,  more  use- 

*  The  following  note,  in  the  hand  writing  of  Mr.  Cunning- 
ham, is  annexed  to  the  original  letter  from  Mr.  Adams. 

One  of  the  things  in  which  Mr.  Adams  was  at  this  time 
engaged,  was  his  remarks  on  Col.  Pickering's  Letter  to 
Gov.  Sullivan,  of  the  16th  Feb.  1807.  And,  this  is  the  first 
letter  in  the  correspondence  with  me,  in  which  Mr.  Adams 
has  given  reins  to  the  impatient  spirit  of  a  controvertist. 
The  gentleman,  described  in  a  former  letter,  as  too  faulty 
to  succeed  in  a  competition  with  Gov.  Strong,  "  unless  the 
people  should  degenerate^  is  now  "  lamented  as  the  last  of 
the  whigs  1" 


68 

ful  perhaps  than  he  could  be  in  any  other  pub- 
lic station  in  these  times  of  anarchy,  violence 
and  fury.  No !  The  old  whigs  and  their  pos- 
terity must  all  go  into  obscurity,  and  all  the 
public  offices  must  be  monopolised  by  the 
blood  of  the  old  refugees.  Mr.  Gore,  the  son 
of  one  refugee  must  be  Governor,  Mr.  Pickman, 
a  son  of  another  refugee,  must  be  a  member  of 
Congress  from  the  old  tory  county  of  Salem. 
Mr.  Edward  Hutchinson  Robbins,  a  nephew 
of  the  sovereign  Pontiff  of  toryism,  must  be  a 
Counsellor  and  member  of  Congress.  Mr. 
Lloyd,  the  son  of  another  tory,  as  orthodox  as 
any  of  the  refugees,  must  be  a  Senator,  &c.  &c. 
&c.  The  old  Whigs,  dead  or  living,  will  soon 
be  in  sufficient  obscurity,  and  the  Revolution  in 
sufficient  disgrace.  The  whigs  had  been  reduced 
to  the  necessity  of  choosing  Mr.  Sullivan.  He 
is  now  departed  and  probably  will  be  the  last  of 
the  whigs.  The  tories  I  suppose  are  sanguine 
that  they  shall  have  Mr.  Gore  in  the  spring. 
There  seems  to  be  among  them  however  some 
suspicions  that  they  are  not  secure  in  this  hope. 
I  conclude  so,  because  I  hear,  that  among  them, 
other  persons  are  contemplated.  Mr.  Gray  of 


69 

Salem  has  been  mentioned,  and  Mr.  Parker,  the 
Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  This  gentleman 
is  said  to  be  in  high  esteem  and  admiration  in 
the  District  of  Maine,  where  the  election  has 
been  sometimes  decided.  In  Worcester,  Hamp- 
shire and  Berkshire,  I  expect  to  hear  that  Mr. 
Sedgwick  will  be  nominated,  unless  they  should 
return  to  my  old  friend,  Governor  Strong.  The 
Republicans,  no  doubt,  will  adhere  to  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Both  parties  however  will  be  directed  by 
their  Caucuses,  which  are  established  by  cus- 
tom as  part  of  the  Constitution,  as  much  as 
party  principles  are  or  party  intolerance.  / 
may  mention  to  you  in  confidence,  that  conside- 
rable pains  has  been  taken  to  persuade  your 
friend  John  Q.  Mams  to  consent  to  be  run  by 
the  republicans.  But  he  is  utterly  averse  to  it, 
and  so  am  I,  for  many  reasons,  among  which 
are  1st  The  office,  though  a  precious  stone,  is 
but  a  carbuncle  shining  in  the  dark.  2d  It  is! 
a  state  of  perfect  slavery.  The  drudgery  of  it 
is  extremely  oppressive.  3d  The  Compensa- 
tion is  not  a  living  for  a  common  gentleman. 
4th  He  must  resign  his  professorship.  5th  He 
must  renounce  his  practice  at  the  Bar.  6th  He 


70 

must  stand  in  competition  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 
which  would  divide  the  republican  interest  and 
certainly  prevent  the  election  of  either.  7th 

IT  WOULD  PRODUCE  AN  ETERNAL  SEPARATION  BETWEEN 

HIM  AND  THE  FEDERALISTS,  at  least  that  part  of 
them  who  now  constitute  the  absoluteOligarchy. 
This  I  own,  however,  I  should  not  much  regret, 
for  this  nation  has  more  to  fear  from  them  than 
any  other  source.  8th  Finally,  and  above  all, 
there  is  as  little  prospect  of  doing  any  good  as 
acquiring  any  honour  or  receiving  any  comfort. 
For  these  reasons,  I  am  decidedly  against  the 
project,  and  so  is  he.  Private  station,  in  my 
opinion,  has  no  equal  for  him.  Be  so  good  as 
to  tell  me  who  are  in  nomination  in  your  neigh- 
bourhood. 

I  am  as  usual, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XXII. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  21,  1808. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the 
13th  inst  and  give  you  my  thanks  for  the  offer 


71 

of  the  2d  and  3d  volumes  of  the  Defence.  If 
you  would  be  at  the  trouble  of  putting  them 
under  a  blank  cover,  superscribed  with  my  ad- 
dress, and  cause  them  to  be  left  at  Mr.  Whee- 
lock's,  at  the  sign  of  the  Indian  Queen  in  Marl- 
borough  street,  they  will  be  brought  to  me  by 
the  driver  of  the  Leominster  stage.  I  shall  be 
unsusceptible  of  instruction  if  experience,  much 
longer  protracted,  shall  fail  to  convince  me  of 
an  Oligarchic  oversight  of  the  federal  presses. 

Your  advice  to  imprison  in  my  bosom  the 
friendship  I  feel  for  yourself  and  family,  is  en- 
titled to  all  the  gratitude  which  is  due  to  a  kind 
and  generous  intention,  but  its  observance  is 
impracticable. 

I  happened  to  be  at  the  first  Court  in  Wor- 
cester which  was  holden  after  the  acquittal  of 
Mr.  Selfridge.  There  I  was  told  by  Mr.  Speak- 
er Bigelow,  and  others,  that  I  was  accused  of 
having  apostatized  from  federalism.  I  inform- 
ed them,  that  if  the  expression  of  my  firm  con- 
viction that  Selfridge  had  been  guilty  of  mur- 
der, and  ought  to  have  been  hanged,  was 
the  sole  ground  of  the  accusation,  and  if  that 
was  enough  to  constitute  a  secession  from  fed- 


72 

eralism,!  wished  to  be  considered  as  seceding. 
But  I  was  not  ejected.  The  great  political 
parties  in  the  State,  arranged  under  their  re- 
spective standards  on  the  simple  question  of 
the  guilt  or  innocence  of  an  individual  under  a 
criminal  accusation,  was  a  curious  spectacle. 
I  am  thoroughly  persuaded  of  the  power  of 
prejudice.  Through  the  heat  of  party  feuds  she 
sits  in  regal  pomp,  in  the  human  breast,  dictat- 
ing most  despotically,  its  decisions.  But  this 
heat  must  subside,  and  the  tranquil  scene  suc- 
ceed, when  reason  shall  be  reinstated  in  her 
government. 

With  veneration  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams.  , 


LETTER  XXIII. 

QUINCY,  Jan.  3,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  your  favours  of  December 
17,  and  21st.  I  hope  you  will  not  insinuate  a 
comparison  between  John  Q.  Adams  and  Corio- 


73 

lanus.  Whatever  injustice  or  ingratitude  may 
be  done  him,  he  has  none  of  the  Roman's  re- 
venge, much  less  his  treachery. 

Of  Mrs.  Warren's  History  I  have  nothing  to 
say.  The  Count  De  Vergennes  was  an  accom- 
plished gentleman  and  scholar,  and  a  statesman 
of  great  experience  in  various  diplomatic  and 
other  ministerial  stations.  In  treating  with 
other  nations,  he  considered  the  interest  of  his 
own  country  and  left  others  to  take  care  of 
theirs.  His  refinements  were  not  invisible.  His 
negociations  were  very  like  those  of  the  British 
Cabinet  with  us  at  this  day.  All  I  have  to  say 
is,  that  all  European  Cabinets  and  Ministers 
are  very  much  alike :  and  our  only  security 
against  them  is  in  our  own  fortitude  and  the 
sense  and  integrity  of  our  own  Ministers.  Have 
you  seen  any  wondrous  skill  in  our  foreign 
Ambassadors  for  some  years  past  ? 

I  have  sent  to  the  Indian  Queen  the  2d  and 
3d  vols.  of  a  work  which  the  English  editor  of 
the  2d  edition  calls  an  History  of  Republicks, 
It  may  be  called  The  American  Boudoir.  What 
is  a  Boudoir  ?  It  is  a  Pouting  room.  And  what 

is    a  Pouting  room?    In    many   gentlemen's 
11 


74 

houses  in  France,  there  is  an  apartment,  of  an 
octagonal  form,  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  across, 
or  thirty  six  or  forty-five  feet  round,  and  all  the 
eight  sides,  as  well  as  the  ceiling  over  head, 
are  all  of  the  most  polished  glass  Mirrors :  so 
that,  when  a  man  stands  in  the  centre  of  the 
room  he  sees  himself  in  every  direction,  multi- 
plied into  a  row  of  selfs,  as  far  as  the  eye  can 
reach. 

The  humour  of  it  is,  that  when  the  lady  of 
the  house  is  out  of  temper,  when  she  is  angry, 
or  when  she  weeps  without  a  cause,  she  may 
be  locked  up  in  this  chamber  to  pout,  and  to  see 
in  every  direction  how  beautiful  she  is.  There 
are  settees  and  chairs  round  the  sides  and  com- 
monly a  bath  in  the  centre,  which  may  be  made 
hot  or  cold.  So  that  persons  may  see  them- 
selves naked  in  every  posture.  Such  a  Boudoir 
is  the  Defence.  Our  States '  may  see  them- 
selves in  it,  in  every  possible  light,  attitude  and 
movement.  They  may  see  all  their  beauties  and 
all  their  deformities.  Happy  they  who  are 
made  cautious  by  others'  dangers ! 

I  return  the  editor's  letter,  which,  with  a 
thousand  other  things,  concurs  to  show  that  cer- 


75 

tain  presses  are  under  the  controul  of  an  aris- 
tocracy of  bankers  led  by  the  nose  by  an  oli- 
garchy of  Shylocks,  all  sycophants  to  Britain. 
A  happy  new  year. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Wm.  Cunningham, 


LETTER  XXIV. 

FITCHBURG,  Jan.  14,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received,  on  the  last  day  of  De- 
cember, the  2d  and  3d  volumes  of  the  Defence, 
for  which  I  renew  my  thanks.  You  have  truly 
characterized  this  work  in  the  comparison  you 
have  made  of  it,  in  your  letter  of  the  3d  inst. 
to  a  Boudoir.  Many  of  the  evils  which  you 
have  described  as  incident  to  an  unbalanced 
government,  we  have  found  by  experience  to 
have  been  insufficiently  guarded  against  by 
our  Constitution.  A  paragraph  in  the  3d  vol. 
page  460,  beginning  with — "It  is  the  true  poli- 
cy," and  ending  with  "  constitution,"  I  have 
placed  with  my  materials  for  elucidating  an  oc- 
currence in  the  life  of  an  Ex-Secretary,  which 


76 

he   and  his  friends  would  keep  shrouded,  or 
have  explained  to  your  disadvantage. 

The  comparison  of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams  to 
Coriolanus,  was,  as  you  doubtless  supposed,  an 
inadvertence.  I  had  in  my  mind  the  story  of 
Camillus,  but  erred  in  its  application.  In  a  fu- 
gitive essay,  allusions  are  seldom  attempted  in 
the  accuracy  of  Plutarch's  parallels.  If  they 
hold  in  one  or  two  striking  particulars,  they  an- 
swer. An  important  point,  in  the  resemblance 
to  the  Roman,  is,  and,  I  think  not  unaptly,  anti- 
cipated.— Mr.  Adams  may  interpose  and  save 
his  country,  and  not  lose  a  likeness  of  Camillus 
should  he  do  it  in  the  Toga,  not  the  Helmet. 
My  memory  is  oftentimes  the  only  registry  to 
which  I  can  appeal :  a  habit  of  confiding  to  its 
records  betrays  me  into  mistakes. 

Our  foreign  Ministers  have  not,  I  think,  of 
late  been  prodigies.  Mr.  Bowdoin  (to  whom, 
by  the  way,  I  understand  that  the  Republicans 
have  offered  the  Chair)  made  no  figure.  His 
mind  and  his  constitution  were  too  far  vitiated  in 
the  old  school  of  Europe,  where  he  was  sent  to 
finish  his  education,  to  permit  him  ever  to  ap- 
pear rich  in  the  inheritance  of  his  Father's 


77 

worth  and  wisdom.  Mr.  Pinckney,  in  the  game 
of  cat-in-pan,  is  making  himself  contemptible. 
Lethe  would  be  better  for  Armstrong  than  the 
water  of  Bourbon  D'Archambault. 

My  Chathams  are  nearly  all  published.  If 
they  attract  your  curiosity,  you  can  gratify  it 
long  before  the  papers  can  reach  you  so  circu- 
itously  as  through  me.  In  No.  XV.  the  editors 
omitted  a  paragraph,  for  which  they  have  asked 
pardon,  in  the  body  of  the  piece.  The  part 
omitted  wras  to  this  purport : — 

"  But  that  Great  Britain  should  do  more  than 
maintain  herself  against  her  adversary,  I  have 
the  same  objections  as  to  her  being  expunged 
from  the  catalogue  of  nations.'  Her  security 
may  require  a  new  modification  of  the  Europe- 
an economy,  but  it  asks  nothing  personally  re- 
lating to  the  Bourbons  or  the  Buonapartes. 
That  a  bone  of  contention  might  be  mouldered 
into  dust,  I  wish,  indeed,  that  the  hopes  of  the 
Bourbons,  as  they  relate  to  France,  were  ex- 
tinct. I  can  see  nothing  in  policy,  in  principle, 
or  in  justice,  to  require,  but  every  thing  in  hu- 
manity, to  deplore  their  being  reinstated  on  the 
Gallic  Throne.  And,  I  will  not  dissemble,  that 


78 

I  have  no  such  elevated  conceptions  of  British 
magnanimity  as  to  overcome  the  jealousy  of  the 
most  overbearing  atrocities  towards  us,  could 
she  reign  mistress  of  her  neighbours.  We  have 
had  too  much  experience  on  this  head  to  be 
unconvinced,  that  the  reassumptoin  of  her  for- 
mer power  and  splendour,  would  occasionally 
subject  us  to  an  inconvenient  employment  of 
force  to  moderate  her  domineering  temper." 

The  Liberty  of  the  Press ! 

According  to  the  last  advices,  it  appears  that 
Buonaparte  will  make  as  short  work  with 
Castenos  f  as  Ca?sar  did  with  Pharnaces,  and 
may  describe  his  victory  in  the  same  terms. 

It  was  writh  much  regret  that  I  saw  in  the 
papers  of  this  week,  some  account  of  a  letter 
from  you  to  a  Member  of  Congress.  A  Chroni- 
cle of  last  week  gave  a  summary  account  of  its 
contents.  From  the  tenor  of  the  letters  with 
which  you  have  honoured  me,  I  conclude,  thai 
your  correspondent  has  rendered  himself  unde- 
serving of  your  confidence.  I  am  informed  that 
the  letter  is  much  a  topic  at  Boston,  and  has 
given  rise  to  free  animadversion.  It  is  an  ar- 
duous duty  of  friendship  to  give  you  this  in- 


79 

ibrmation,  but  it  will  not,  for  that,  be  the  less 
acceptable. 

The  gratulations  of  the  season  I  most  sin- 
cerely reciprocate  to  yourself,  and  tender  to 
your  Family. 

With  veneration  and  affection, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XXV. 

+ 

FITCHBURG,  Jan.  11,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  last  letter,  which  I  had  the 
honour  to  receive  from  you,  dated  January  3d. 
I  have  before  acknowledged.  Permit  me  to  re- 
mind you,  that  I  have  in  expectation  something- 
farther  from  you,  concerning  the  misnamed 
Aristides. 

I  am  perfectly  ashamed  to  speak  to  you  again 
of  my  Chathams,  but  it  is  unavoidable.  The 
three  concluding  numbers,  the  printers  refuse  to 
publish.  In  two  of  them  I  had  embodied  the 
reasons  which  had  occurred  to  me  in  favour  of 


80 

substituting  for  the  Embargo,  a  license  to  mer- 
chant ships,  to  arm  against  aggressors  indis- 
criminately, and  I  gave  many  reasons  against 
giving  to  our  resentments  a  partial  direction. 

The  determinatian  of  the  Essex  Junto  to 
drive  this  country  into  a  war  with  France,  and 
of  another  party  to  effect  hostilities  exclusively 
with  England,  are,  in  my  opinion,  alike  inauspi- 
cious to  our  peace  and  prosperity.  With  this 
impression,  I  reject  the  Report  of  Mr.  Gore  to 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Considering  the 
temper  of  the  times,  an  arming  against  vio- 
lators of  our  rights,  without  distinction,  is,  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  the  only  defence  of  them,  we  can 
engage  in,  whole  bodied ;  in  any  other,  we  shall 
be  lacerated  with  our  own  stripes.  And  does 
not  justice  combine  with  policy  in  favour  of  in- 
discriminate resistance  ? 

The  papers  announce  that  Mr.  John  Q.  Ad- 
ams is  at  Washington.  I  shall  be  disappointed 
if  his  rare  talents  and  incorruptible  integrity 
are  permitted  a  long  respite  from  public  occu- 
pation. 

With  veneration  and  affection, 
1  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


81 
LETTER  XXVI. 

QumcY,  Feb.  11,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  your  favour  of  the  14th,  ult.  The 
Mirror  was  never  read — and  if  it  ever  should 
be  it  will  be  wilfully  misunderstood.  Seventeen 
wheels  within  one  wheel,  seventeen  empires 
within  one  empire,  seventeen  sovereignties 
within  one  sovereignty,  seventeen  imperia  in 
one  imperio,  will  tell  in  time.  We  have  had  a 
Shays'  disturbance,  a  Gallatin's  disturbance,  a 
Tories'  disturbance,  and  why  may  we  not  have 
a  Pickering's  disturbance  ?  Such,  I  think,  is  the 
spirit  of  the  reasoning  of  the  present  times. 

Whether  the  Republicans  have  offered  the 
Chair  to  Mr.  Bowdoin,  or  not,  I  know  not. 
They  talk  of  this,  that,  and  the  other  Gentle- 
man, but  all  will  depend  upon  the  Caucus  in  the 
Legislature,  and  that,  I  presume,  will  determine 
on  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  Federalists  too  talk  of 
many  candidates,  as  Gov.  Strong,  Judge  Par- 
ker, and  many  others,  but  their  Caucus  is 
pledged  to  Mr.  Gore  and  they  cannot  abandon 
him.  The  question  will  be  between  Lincoln 

and  Gore. 

12 


82 

Your  rejected  paragraph  concerning  Great 
Britain  was  high  treason  against  the  present 
domineering  party.  But  it  is  sound  sense  and 
true  policy.  It  is  not  wonderful  that  some  per- 
sons among  us  are  so  eager  to  rush  into  the 
arms  of  Great  Britain.  But  it  is  unaccountable, 
that  there  should  be  so  many.  Common  under- 
standing one  would  think  sufficient,  when  en- 
lightened with  an  ordinary  knowledge  of  man- 
kind and  the  general  history  of  England  and 
America,  to  convince  any  man  that  Great  Brit- 
ain is  the  natural  enemy  of  the  United  States. 
She  has  looked  at  us  from  our  first  settlement 
to  this  moment,  with  eyes  of  jealousy,  envy, 
hatred  and  contempt.  At  this  time  she  knows 
not  how  to  do  without  us.  She  makes  a  great 
profit  of  us.  Yet  she  sees  that  we  make  a 
profit  too,  and  that  we  grow  faster  than  she 
does.  Our  population,  wealth,  power,  and  im- 
portance, with  all  nations,  increases  incompara- 
bly more  rapid  than  hers.  This  prospect  she 
cannot  bear.  She  sees  too,  that  this  is  the  only 
rising  country  of  the  world,  and  that  the  Amer- 
ican people  are  the  most  active  portion  of  the 
human  race,  especially  the  New-England  States, 


83 

For  us  then  to  quarrel  with  all  other  nations  for 
the  sake  of  courting  the  protection  of  Great 
Britain,  is  as  if  the  lamb  should  fly  from  its 
friendly  flock  and  faithful  shepherd,  and  seek  the 
friendship  and  protection  of  the  wolf.  All  the 
nations  of  Europe,  to  my  knowledge,  are  friend- 
ly to  us.  If  the  French  are  now  an  exception 
it  is  owing  to  the  war  with  England,  and  the 
singular  character  of  their  present  Ruler. 

Buonaparte  I  think,  at  least  I  hope,  will  not 
find  so  easy  a  conquest  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
English  will  make  sure  of  the  Spanish  Navy. 
and  secure  their  own  retreat  on  board  their 
ships.  I  hope  however  they  will  come  in  con- 
tact with  the  French.  If  they  should,  though 
they  may  be  overpowered  by  numbers,  they 
will  give  the  French  something  to  remember. 
Bona  will  not  have  to  say  veni,  vidi,  vici.  Brit- 
ons are  at  least  as  brave  and  more  patient  than 
the  French. 

Regret  nothing  that  you  see  in  the  papers 
concerning  me.  It  is  impossible  that  newspa- 
pers can  say  the  truth.  They  would  be  out  of 
their  element. — I  regard  them  no  more  than  the 
gossamer  that  idles  in  the  wanton  summer  air. 


84 

When  you  told  me  that  my  letter  had  been  a 
topic  in  Boston,  and  given  rise  to  free  animad- 
version, you  should  have  told  me  what  those 
animadversions  were.  We  should  never  tell  a 
man  that  he  has  been  slandered  without  inform- 
ing him  what  those  slanders  were. 

I  have  a  few  sheets  of  paper  written  on  a 
point  on  which  I  differed  formerly  and  latterly 
with  our  angry  Senator,  and  which  was  one  of 
the  causes  of  his  removal,  which  I  will  send  you 
provided  you  will  previously  give  me  your 
honour  that  you  will  return  it  after  you  have 
read  it  without  taking  any  copy. 
I  am,  &c. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XXVII. 

QUINCY,  Feb.  14,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  complaint  in  your  favour  of  the 
llth,  of  the  refusal  to  publish  your  Chathams  is 
no  surprise  to  me.  I  have  seen  nothing  in  the 
four  Federal  papers  of  Boston  for  the  last  year. 


85 

but  such  another  prostitution  of  genius,  learning, 
and  eloquence  as  we  read  in  Madam  Draper's, 
Fleet's,  and  Mjein  and  Fleming's,  Papers  in 
1773  and  1774.  A  blind  devotion  to  England  and 
a  disposition  to  sacrifice  to  her,  our  rights  and 
a  headlong  inclination  to  go  to  war  with  France,  \ 
and  for  the  sake  of  these  blessings  to  hazard  if 
not  sacrifice  the  Union  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  Not  one  of  those  papers  will 
publish  a  word  inconsistent  with  that  system. 

I  agree  with  you  in  the  system  of  armed  neu- 
trality at  first.  It  will  take  time  to  try  that  ex- 
periment, and  time  gained  is  precious. 

I  have  a  letter  to-day  from  John  Q.  Adams 
at  Washington  on  the  sixth  of  the  month.  He 
arrived  in  time  for  the  session  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  before  which  he  has  a  good  deal  of  bet- 
ter business  than  debating  in  Congress.  If  his 
talents  and  integrity  continue  to  be  neglected, 
as  they  have  been  insulted,  it  is  not  his  fault, 
and  I  have  the  consolation  to  know  that  it  is 
more  for  his  interest  and  the  peace  of  his  mind, 
than  any  public  office  would  be.  If  he  were  in 
the  Senate  of  Massachusetts  he  could  only  la-  ' 
bour  in  vain  with  his  friend  Mr.  Gray  to  prevent 


86 

our  Legislature  from  overleaping  the  boundaries 
of  our  Constitution. 

When  John  Wilkes  was  writing  one  of  his 
North  Britons,  he  said  to  one  of  his  friends,  who 
came  in  suddenly  upon  him,  "  I  have  been 
studying  these  four  hours  to  see  how  near  I 
could  come  in  my  next  North  Briton  to  treason, 
without  committing  it."  The  deliberations  and 
debates  of  our  two  Houses,  appear  to  me  to  be 
somewhat  like  a  hard  study  to  come  as  near  vi- 
olating the  Constitution  as  possible  without 
breaking  it 

Our  respectable  Metropolis  is  too  warm  and 
it  has  communicated  too  much  of  its  heat  to 
some  other  places  which  are  too  much  under  its 
influence. 

I  inclose  you  a  Frederick  Town  Herald  of 
January  14th,  in  which  you  may  read  a  phil- 
ippick  of  Mr.  John  Hanson  Thomas  upon  the 
City  of  Baltimore.  What  would  be  said,  if  such 
an  oration  were  made  in  the  Chronicle,  or  in 
our  House  of  Representatives  concerning  our 
modest  City  of  Boston. 

I  am  Sir,  as  usual, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 


87 
LETTER  XXVIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Feb.  20,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favours  of  the  llth  and  14th 
inst.  came  both  to  hand  to-day.  I  have  only 
time,  by  this  mail,  to  make  the  acknowledg- 
ment, and  to  request  of  you  the  goodness  to 
send  me  what  you  have  written  on  a  point  con- 
troverted between  yourself  and  the  person 
whose  pertinacity  you  have  found  so  unman- 
ageable. 

The  engagements,  on  my  part,  which  you 
have  proposed  as  conditional  to  its  reception,  I 
most  freely  and  unreservedly  make. 
With  esteem  and  veneration, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Adams. 


LETTER  XXIX. 

FITCHBURG,  Feb.  23,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  under  the  date  of  the 
20th  inst.  and  sent  it  to  the  Post  office,  but  ar- 


88 

riving  there  a  few  minutes  too  late  to  be  for- 
warded by  the  mail,  it  was  returned.  I  now 
forward  it  under  cover  with  this.  There  is  a 
sentence  in  your  favour  of  the  1 1th,  demanding 
my  particular  attention.  "  When  you  told  me1' 
you  observe  "  that  my  letter  had  been  a  topick 
at  Boston,  and  given  rise  to  free  animadversion, 
you  should  have  told  me  what  those  animadver- 
sions were"  I  instantly  thought  of  the  story  of 
Le  Fever — "  When  thou  offeredst  him  whatever 
was  in  my  house,  thou  shouldst  have  offered  him 
my  house  too"  But  in  the  animadversions  re- 
ferred to,  there  is  a  counterpart,  not  a  likeness 
to  the  conduct  of  "my  uncle  Toby." — In  the 
censure  of  you,  sir,  there  is  the  reverse  of  senti- 
ment. An  entire  conviction  of  this  and  the  cer- 
tainty of  your  own  consciousness  of  it,  ought 
perhaps  to  have  restrained  me  from  making  the 
communication  I  did;  yet  if  the  littleness 
which  is  striving  at  aggrandizement  through  the 
representation  that  any  of  your  opinions  are 
dictated  by  private  pique  towards  Pickering 
and  his  party,  is  regarded  by  you,  as  it  deserves 
to  be,  undeserving  of  notice  as  the  prattling  of 
a  magpie,  it  will,  I  trust,  afford  you  some  conso- 


89 

lation  to  know,  that  you  have  friends,  who, 
founding  their  estimation  of  your  character  upon 
an  intimate  acquaintance  with  it,  view  with  de- 
rision, or  with  indignation,  the  bows  exercised 
by  malicious  hands  in  hurling  arrows  which  fall 
pointless  by  your  side.  If  in  this  explanation, 
and  to  any  extent,  I  have  administered  this  con- 
solation, I  shall  the  less  lament  the  unguarded- 
ness  which,  in  leaving  undefined  a  calumny, 
might  to  some  have  given  occasion  for  disqui- 
eting apprehensions. 

I  thank  you  for  the  Frederick  Town  Herald. 
For  the  sake  of  Mr.  Kettering's  antidote  to  ca- 
nine madness,  which  that  paper  contains,  I  ask 
your  leave  to  keep  it. 

Our  peace  and  security  may  be  as  much  jeop- 
ardized in  the  intemperate  warmth  of  Boston  as 
in  the  frantic  licentiousness  of  Baltimore.  To 
both,  the  adage  is  applicable.  JVe  sutor  ultra 
crepidam. 

With  affection  and  respect, 
1  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 
13 


90 
LETTER  XXX. 

QUINCY,  Feb.  22,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

Inclosed  you  will  find  a  philippic 
of  our  angry,  peevish,  fretful  Prophet  Jonah. 
His  anger  is  his  talent.  When  he  gives  a  loose 
to  that  passion,  as  he  always  does  in  every  thing, 
he  produces  something  smart,  pert  and  malig- 
nant which  pleases  the  malignity  of  the  vulgar. 
But  philippics  are  not  the  highest  style  of  poli- 
tics. I  cannot  think  Demosthenes  and  Cicero 
in  the  highest  grade  of  Statesmen,  though  they 
certainly  were  of  Orators. 

You  will  see  how  ardently  he  was  attached 
to  the  French,  even  to  the  highest  strain  of 
Jacobinism,  and  king  killing.  Compare  this  with 
his  present  ardent  attachment  to  the  English. 
and  see  how  the  same  temper  can  swing  the 
extremest  vibrations  of  the  pendulum. 

From  Jonah  let  me  turn  to  Harlequin.  Have 
you  read  Matthew  Lyon's  letter  to  his  friend  in 
Vermont?  The  mixture  of  monk  and  monkey 
in  this  fellow  creature  of  ours,  always  diverts 
me,  like  a  medicine  for  the  spleen,  or  a  cordial 
for  low  spirits.  I  shall  not  examine  his  system. 


91 

As  far  as  it  is  intelligible  he  is  for  repealing  all 
Embargoes,  Non-Intercourses,  and  Non-Im- 
portations, and  surrendering  all  pretensions  to 
rights.  I  suspect  he  is  one  of  the  little  mer- 
chants he  mentions,  not  one  of  the  big,  by  any 
means,  and,  that  his  little  paquotilles  are  some- 
what deranged  and  in  danger.  The  sum  of  what 
he  says  in  one  place,  is,  that  the  vulgar  among 
the  Federalists  adored  John  Adams  and  the 
vulgar  among  the  Republicans  adore  Tom 
Jefferson.  "  When  John  Adams  said  that  the 
finger  of  heaven  pointed  to  war,  you  and  1  * 
laughed  at  him."  This  may  be  true  :  but  it  was 
the  grinning  of  idiots  at  each  other — the  laugh- 
ter of  fools,  the  crackling  of  thorns  under  a  pot 
He  is  so  great  a  worshipper  and  idolater  of 
Tom  Paine,  that  he  and  his  correspondent  might 
believe  that  there  is  no  Heaven,  or  that  Heaven 
has  no  finger.  If  he  believed  in  a  God  and  a 
Providence,  and  had  eyes  in  his  head  or  brains 
in  his  skull,  he  might  have  seen  and  would  have 
seriously  considered  that  the  course  of  events 
had  rendered  a  war,  or  indelible  disgrace  and 
national  degradation,  unavoidable.  He  must 
have  seen  that  Providence  did  indicate  war,  and 


92 

ordain  war ;  for,  a  war  we  had  in  fact,  a  war  de- 
clared in  form  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
the  Senate  and  President  of  the  United  States. 
It  was  not  a  universal  war :  it  was  defined  and 
limited  to  certain  cases :  but  a  declaration  of  a 
Sovereign  that  a  solemn  and  vastly  important 
treaty  between  him  and  another  sovereign  is 
null  and  void,  by  the  infractions,  violence,  injus- 
tice and  breach  of  faith  by  that  other,  is  tanta- 
mount to  a  declaration  of  war.  But  Congress 
went  farther ;  they  raised  forces  by  land  and 
sea,  and  authorized  hostilities,  and  a  war  was 
actually  waged.  A  glorious  and  triumphant  war 
it  was.  Instead  of  hearing  of  vessels  taken  in 
our  rivers  and  burnt  in  our  harbours,  as  we  had 
done  for  a  long  time,  not  an  hostile  sail  dared  to 
spread  itself  on  any  part  of  our  vast  sea-coast. 
Instead  of  our  merchant  ships  being  taken  by 
scores,  and  our  property  captivated  by  millions 
in  the  West-Indies,  Talbot,  Truxton,  Decatur 
and  Little  cleared  the  whole  seas,  and  not  a 
privateer  or  picaroon  or  even  frigate  dared  shew 
its  head.  The  Proud  Pavillion  of  France  was, 
in  many  glaring  instances,  humiliated  under  the 
eagles  and  stripes  of  the  United  States.  But 


93 

the  greatest  triumph  of  all,  was,  that  the  haugh- 
ty Directory,  who  had  demanded  tribute,  re- 
fused to  receive  our  Ambassadors,  and  formally 
and  publicly,  by  an  act  of  Government,  declar- 
ed that  they  would  not  receive  any  more  Min- 
isters from  the  United  States,  till  I  had  made 
excuses  and  apologies  for  some  of  my  speeches, 
were  obliged  to  humble  themselves,  retract  all 
their  declarations  and  transmit  to  me  the  most 
positive  assurances  in  several  various  ways  both 
official  and  inofficial  that  they  would  receive 
my  Ministers,  and  make  peace  on  my  own 
terms. 

Let  the  jackasses,  Lyon  and  his  correspon- 
dent, and  his  intimate  friends,  Duane,  Callender 
and  Tom  Paine,  bray  or  laugh  at  all  this,  as 
they  did  at  the  finger  of  God.  If  ever  an  His- 
'  torian  should  arise  fit  for  the  investigation,  this 
transaction  must  be  transmitted  to  posterity  as 
the  most  glorious  period  in  American  History, 
and  as  the  most  disinterested,  prudent,  and  suc- 
cessful conduct  in  my  whole  life.  For  I  was 
obliged  to  give  peace  and  unexampled  pros- 
perity to  my  country  for  eight  years,  and, 
if  it  is  not  for  a  longer  duration,  it  is  not 


94 

my  fault,  against  the  advice,  intreaties,  and 
intrigues  of  all  my  Ministers,  and  all  the  leading 
Federalists  in  both  houses  of  Congress. 

The  two  factions  have  conspired  hitherto  to 
smother  all  my  glory :  yet,  they  cannot  avoid 
letting  out,  now  and  then,  a  glimpse,  and  this 
letter  of  Lyon's  is  one  instance  of  it. 

Our  parties  at  present  resemble  two  ladies  of 
easy  virtue,  in  whose  quarrels  and  scoldings, 
one  reproaches  the  other  with  her  weakness 
with  a  lover  the  last  night,  and  the  other  re- 
torts, you  are  wrorse  than  I,  for,  you  committed 
adultery  the  night  before  and  put  horns  upon 
your  husband.  Unfortunately  there  is  too  much 
truth  in  both.  Neither  party,  however,  in  the 
violence  of  their  rage  can  avoid  throwing  out 
something  now  and  then  in  honour  of 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 

P.  S.  The  Caitiff  says  I  repented.  This  is 
false.  I  had  nothing  to  repent  of.  I  departed 
from  no  principle,  system,  or  profession.  The 
French  Government  repented  and  reformed. 
Their  humiliation  and  my  triumph  were  com- 
plete. Both  struck  the  British  Ambassador  so 


95 

forcibly  that  he  said  to  me  "  To  what  degrees 
of  abasement  will  not  the  French  submit  to  YOU  ? 
I  was  in  hopes  they  would  have  persevered  and 
gone  to  war  "with  you." 

My  system  was  from  the  beginning,  to  make 
peace  with  them  the  moment  I  could  do  it  con- 
sistently with  the  honour  and  interest  of  the 
nation.  But  this  disappointed  the  Anglomanic 
Federalists  as  well  as  Mr.  Liston,  and  they  have 
hated  me  for  it  ever  since.  J.  A. 


LETTER  XXXI. 

FITCHBURG,  March  11,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

On  the  first  of  the  month,  I  receiv- 
ed your  favour  of  the  22d  ult.  with  a  copy  of  a 
speech  of  a  ci-devant  Minister  to  the  six  Na- 
tions. Having  been  ill  with  the  prevailing  in- 
fluenza, and  expecting,  mail  after  mail,  to  re- 
ceive your  answer  to  my  letters  of  the  20th 
and  23d  of  February,  I  have  delayed  this  ac- 
knowledgement. I  hope  that  this  evening  will 
relieve  my  impatience  to  see  the  speculations 
you  have  written  in  opposition  to  the  opinions 


96 

of  an  officer  whose  duty  it  was  to  facilitate,  but 
whose  contumacy  embarrassed  your  Adminis- 
tration. 

I  had  seen  Lyon's  Letter,  and  had  waded 
through  it.  When  I  turn  to  the  journals  of  '98, 
and  compare  the  treatment  of  him  then  with 
the  estimation  of  him  now,  I  think  of  a  belle 
who,  in  the  pride  of  accomplishments,  casts  her 
eye  fastidiously  upon  a  worthless  fellow,  but 
who,  when  past  her  prime, '  oversteps  the  mod- 
esty of  nature'  in  her  forwardness  to  encourage 
his  advances. — 'Tis  a  mortifying  meanness! 
Lyon  has  been  called  a  beast,  but  the  most  I 
could  ever  make  of  him  was  a  chattering  pia- 
net.  Nbpcitur  ex  sociis. 

Your  view  of  our  situation  in  1798  is  fully 
substantiated  by  public  documents.  So  glori- 
ous a  result  of  the  measures  then  pursued, 
ought  to  have  settled  them  forever  in  the  Cabi- 
net, and  in  the  bosom  of  every  American,  as  the 
only  measures,  designated  by  Heaven  and  con- 
secrated by  experience,  for  the  maintenance  of 
our  maritime  rights.  The  fortunate  issue,  sir. 
of  these  measures  to  your  own  fame,  is  a  sub- 
ject, with  which  I  am  too  full  not  to  fear  to 


97 

speak  to  you  and  confine  myself  within  allowa- 
ble limits.  The  reduction  of  Directorial  hau- 
teur to  a  compliance  with  your  own  conditions, 
was  a  conquest  which  no  other  cabinet  can 
boast.  Your  declaration  in  your  Message  to 
Congress  of  June  21,  '9&,  that  you  "  would  not 
send  another  Minister  to  France,  without  as- 
surances that  he  would  be  received,  respected 
and  honoured  as  the  representative  of  a  great, 
free,  powerful,  and  independent  nation,"  com- 
mitted you,  as  to  the  terms  upon  which  a  new 
mission  would  be  instituted.  I  derive  the  high- 
est satisfaction  from  the  direct  information,  that 
the  Directory  transmitted  to  you  "  the  most 
positive  assurances  in  various  ways,  both  official 
and  inofficial,  that  they  would  receive  your  Min- 
isters, and  make  peace  on  your  own  terms."  You 
know  itsir,  to  have  been  alleged,  that  of  a  relaxa- 
tion in  the  tone  of  the  Directory,you  had  nothing 
but  informal  intimations,  circuitously  passed  to 
you  through  Mr.Murray,  and  of  too  vague  a  char- 
acter to  release  you  from  your  engagement  in 
your  Message.  To  what  distortions  will  not  a 
phrenzied  party  descend !  The  concessions  on 

the  part  of  the  executive  of  France,  which  abat- 
14 


98 

ed,  if  but  for  a  moment,  the  Hotsperian  temper  of 
the  British  minister,  were  unquestionably  such 
as  ought  effectually  to  have  appeased  the  just 
indignation  of  the  American  President.  The 
confessions  of  Mr.  Liston,  that  the  submission 
of  the  Directory  had  banished  his  hopes  of  a 
war,  is  the  more  precious  for  being  unwillingly 
yielded.  If  his  understanding  and  his  magna- 
nimity, enlightened  and  ennobled,  burst  through 
his  prejudices  to  pay  you  a  just  compliment,  the 
breach  was  instantly  repaired,  and  in  his  own 
breast  and  in  the  breasts  of  his  party,  these  pre- 
judices have  pent  up,  against  you,  not  wisdom 
and  generosity  only,  but  truth — They  will  have 
their  enlargement — The  day  \vill  come  when 
the  Statue,  and  the  hearts  of  a  grateful  people, 
will  bear  the  honourable  and  useful  memorial  of 
their  triumph.  Magna  est  veritas  et  prevalebit. 
I  wish  I  could  be  favoured  with  your  thoughts 
upon  the  State  Papers  which  have  lately  ap- 
peared. With  veneration  and  esteem, 

I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Jldams, 

Quincy,  Mass. 


99 
LETTER  XXXII. 

QUINCY,  March  4,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  yours  of  February  20th  and 
23d.  The  enclosed  five  sheets  are  the 
rough  draft,  which  I  have  requested  and  you 
have  promised  to  return.  I  shall  burn  it,  be- 
cause I  have  made  another  copy  more  correct, 
in  which  I  have  left  out  the  name,  and  much  of 
the  Trumpery. 

Return  the  enclosed  as  soon  as  you  can  to 
Your  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Wm.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XXXIII. 

FITCHBURG,  March  14,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

My  solicitude  to  see  your  strictures 
upon  Mr.  Pickering's  letter  was  satisfied  by  the 
last  mail.  I  acquit  myself,  by  the  enclosure  of 
the  sheets,  of  one  of  the  stipulations  upon 
which  you  transmitted  them  to  me — the  other 
has  not  been  violated. 


100 

It  is  evident  that  the  plan  of  your  administra- 
tion and  the  medium  of  your  foreign  intercourse, 
were  not  formed  to  be  associated.- 
With  veneration  and  esteem, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XXXIV. 

QUINCY,  March  20,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I    have  received   your   favours   of 

March  1 1th  and  14th.  In  answer  to  the  first, 
I  wish  to  know  whether  you  remember  Gen. 
Washington's  answer  to  Adet,  the  successor  of 
Genet.  It  was  written  by  the  Gentleman  in 
question,  and,  by  the  spirit  of  it,  represented 
the  President  almost  as  ardent  a  Jacobin  as  him- 
self. He  had  not  yet  been  converted  from  his 
Gallicism  and  Jacobinism.  You  remember  the 
thing,  "  Born  and  educated  in  a  free  Country," 
&c.  "  wonderful  people,"  &c. 

You  wish  to  be  informed  of  my  thoughts  upon 
the  State  papers,  which  have  lately  appeared. 
What  State  papers  do  you  mean  ?  The  Diplo- 


101 

matic  correspondence  between  our  Administra- 
tion and  the  Cabinets  of  France  and  England? 
or  the  votes  of  our  towns  of  Boston,  Newbury- 
port,  Augusta,  &c.  &c.  &c.?  or  the  Resolutions, 
Addresses,  &c.  of  our  Massachusetts  House  and 
Senate  ?  or  the  volumes  of  speeches  in  Con- 
gress ?  If  you  want  my  comments  upon  all  this 
farrago,  you  cut  out  more  work  for  me  than  I 
have  days  to  live. 

You  speak  of  the  fortunate  issue  of  my  nego- 
ciation  with  France  to  my  Fame ! ! !  I  cannot 
express  my  astonishment.  No  thanks  for  that 
action,  the  most  disinterested,  the  most  deter- 
mined and  the  most  successful  of  my  whole  life. 
No  acknowledgment  of  it  ever  appeared  among 
the  Republicans,  and  the  Federalists  have  pur- 
sued me  with  the  most  unrelenting  hatred  and 
my  Children  too,  from  that  time  to  this.  Cover- 
ed however  with  the  thickest  veils  of  their  hy- 
pocrisy because  there  was  some  danger  in  be- 
ing too  open.  My  Fame ! ! !  It  has  been  the 
systematical  policy  of  both  parties,  from  that 
period  especially,  and  indeed  for  twelve  years 
before  to  conceal  from  the  people  all  the  servi- 
ces of  my  life.  And  they  have  succeeded  to  a 


102 

degree,  that  I  should  scarcely  have  believed  it 
possible  for  a  union  of  both  parties  to  effect. 

I  know  too  well  that  it  was  alleged,  and  Pick- 
ering's correspondents,  Higginson  and  Cabot, 
alleged  in  their  cowardly  anonymous  way,  and 
they  even  corrupted  Ben.  Russell,  against  his 
own  judgment,  to  print  their  calumnies  in  the 
Centinel,  "  that  I  had  nothing  but  informal  inti- 
mations." /  But  the  fact  is,  that  I  had  the  most 
direct,  formal  and  official  information  and  as- 
surances, in  two  different  ways  and  through  two 
different  diplomatic  organs.  The  first  was  a 
resolve  of  the  Directory  signified  by  their  Se- 
cretary, Talleyrande,  and  conveyed  to  Mr. 
Pichon,  Secretary  of  Legation  and  charge  des 
affairs  of  France,  in  the  absence  of  their  Am- 
bassador at  the  Hague,  by  Mr.  Pichon  to  Mr. 
Murray,  the  American  Minister  at  the  Hague, 
and  by  him  officially  to  me.  This  was  a  legal 
communication  according  to  the  most  scrupu- 
lous usage  and  practice  of  the  Courts  of  the 
world ;  the  most  delicate  in  all  matters  of  eti- 
quette. In  what  other  manner  could  the  Cabi- 
of  France  have  communicated  with  me. 
had  no  Minister  in  America.  They  were 


at  war  with  England  and  had  no  minister  there. 
They  could  not  therefore  convey  any  thing  to 
me  through  Mr.  King.     Through  Spain,  Portu- 
gal or  Prussia,  would  have  been  more  round 
about,  have  taken  more  time,  and  been  infinitely 
less  certain  of  a  safe  conveyance.     The  Direc- 
tory then  took  the  best  possible  course  in  their 
power.     And  the  assurance  was  as  complete  as 
words  could  expre^s^rThe  second  assurance""" 
was  more  positive,  more  explicit  and  decisive  fc- 
still,  and  through  the  most  authentic  channel  & 
that  existed.     It  was  Mr.  Gerry,  one  of  my  own   < 
Ambassadors,  and  by  way  of  excellence  my  | 

""5^* 

own  Ambassador,  for  I  had  appointed  him  " 
against  the  advice  of  all  my  ministers  to  the  £ 
furious  provocation  of  Pickering  and  against  ^L~ 

the  advice  of  all  the  Senators  whom  he  could  \j* 

• 

influence.  Mr.  Gerry,  in  an  official  public  letter,  i^j 
conveyed  to  me,  at  the  request  of  the  Directo-  Jp 
ry  and  their  Secretary,  Talleyrande,  the  most  JK 
positive  and  express  assurances,  that  I  had  de-Jj 
mandecT^  (This  letter  of  Mr.  Gerry  threw  Pick- 
ering into  so  furious  a  rage  against  Gerry,  that 
in  a  report  to  me  which  I  requested  him  to 
draw  for  me  to  communicate  to  Congress,  he 


104 

inserted  a  most  virulent,  false,  and  calumnious 
philippic  against  Gerry.  I  read  it  with  amaze- 
ment. I  scarcely  thought  that  prejudice  and 
party  rage  could  go  so  far ;  I  told  him  it  would 
not  do :  it  was  very  injurious  and  totally  un- 
founded. I  took  my  pen  and  obliterated  the 
whole  passage  as  I  thought,  but  after  all,  I  in- 
advertently let  some  expressions  pass,  which 
ought  to  have  been  erased.  Pickering  reddened 
with  rage,  or  grief,  as  if  he  had  been  bereaved 
of  a  darling  child.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to 
beg  that  I  would  spare  it,  and  let  it  go  to  Con- 
gress. But  I  was  inexorable ;  and,  his  hatred 
of  me  has  been  unrelenting  from  that  time  to 

thig^ 

jBut  these  were  not  all  the  official  assurances 
I  received.  I  had  personal  conversations  with 
Mr.  Gerry  and  in  detail.  He  declared  to  me. 
that  he  had  the  most  decisive  assurances  both 
from  the  Directory  and  Talleyrande,  that  the} 
would  not  only  receive  my  minister  upon  my 
own  terms,  but  make  peace  with  me  on  my  own 
terms.  And  I  am  convinced,  had  that  Constitu- 
0  tion  continued  and  the  negotiation  been  con- 
ducted with  the  Directorv,  I  should  have  had 


105 

l-.?~H~€  r  X  £  *'  k/'<*?<"'rt<y  Me/Kb  7O)f$OGf 
iny  own  terms.     But  Napoleon  came  in  and  al- 
tered the  case  a  little.     The  convention,  how- 
ever, as  finally  ratified,  is  a  monument  of  the 
dignity  my  country  once   had  and  of  the  re- 
spect paid  to  its  policy  and  power}  Unofficial 
assurances  I  had  moreover.    I  will  mention  two 
instances.  [Mr.  Logan  of  Philadelphia,  however  j^~ 
scorned  and  run  down  by  the  English  party,  is^ 
a  Gentleman  of  fortune,  education,  good  breed-  * 
ing  and  not  despicable  abilities.     After  his  re-  ^ 
turn  from  France,  he  made  me  a  visit,  and  po-  $• 
litely  informed  me,  that  he  waited  on  me  at  the  -^ 
request  of  Talleyrande,  to  assure  me  in  the  j* 
most  solemn  manner,  that  the  Directory  wished  o 
for  peace  with  the  United  States  and  desired  .* 
me  to  send  a  minister,  or  authorize  one  already  JS 
in  Europe  to  treat,  and  that  I   might  depend 
upon  his  cordial  and  honourable  reception ;  and, 
that  a  treaty  should  be  made  to  my  satisfaction.  ^ 
I  should  however  have  paid  no  attention  to  this,^ 
if  I  had  aot  received  other  similar  assurances  3 
through  Mr.  Murray  and  Mr.  Gerrg  ^ 

^Another  instance  was  through  General  Wash- 
ington. Mr.  Joel  Barlow  wrote  a  long,  elabo- 
rate, elegant  and  ingenious  letter  to  Qeneral 

Wylt** 


Washington,  in  which  he  urged  negociation  and 
peace  with  a  variety  of  arguments,  and  insisted 
upon  it,  that  every  thing  might  easily  be  ar- 
ranged to  mutual  satisfaction.  Washington  was 
so  impressed  by  it,  that  he  sent  it  to  me,  with 
a  letter  of  his  own,  in  which  he  said  to  me,  that 
he  had  reason  to  believe  that  Barlow's  Letter 
Was  wTitten  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of 
the  French  Government  And  Washington 
added,  that  "  it  appeared  to  him  that  the  peo- 
pie  of  America  were  very  desirous  of  peace." 
Q  What  could  I  understand  by  this  hint,  but  an 
expression  of  his  opinion,  that  I  ought  to  en- 
deavour to  make  peace  if  I  couldj  However. 
Barlow's  letter  would  have  had  no  more  weight 
with  me  than  Logan's  message,  nor  would 
Washington's  opinion  have  been  regarded  more 
than  either,  if  they  had  not  been  preceded  or 
followed  by  the  regular  communications  through 
Murray  and  Gerry.  With  this  diplomatic  evi- 
dence, every  Court  in  Europe  and  the  French 
Nation  themselves,  as  well  as  our  American 
people,  would  have  cried  shame  upon  the 
French  Government  and  justified  a  subsequent 
war. 


107 

This  coriduct  should  not  have  brought  upon 
me  disgrace.  But  the  British  faction  was  de- 
termined to  have  a  war  with  France,  and  Alex- 
ander Hamilton  at  the  head  of  the  army  and 
then  President  of  the  United  States.  Peace 
with  France  was  therefore  treason  against  their 
fundamental  maxims  and  reasons  of  state. 

But  if  I  had  been  too  hasty  in  declaring,  that 
I  would  not  send  a  minister,  but  upon  certain 
conditions,  or  too  easy  in  receiving  the  condi- 
tions, why  should  the  Federalists  endeavour  to 
render  me  unpopular  for  this  ?  It  could  answer 
no  end  but  to  turn  me  out,  and  they  ought  to 
have  known,  that  they  could  carry  no  other  man 
in  the  Union ;  or,  to  force  me  to  retract  my 
nomination  of  ambassadors,  or  suspend  their 
voyage  and  supercede  the  negociation  alto- 
gether. 

These  were  their  motives  and  they  exhaust- 
ed all  their  wit  in  studies  and  labours  to  defeat 
the  whole  design.  A  war  with  France,  an  alli- 
ance with  England,  and  Alexander  Hamilton 
the  father  of  their  speculating  systems  at  the 
head  of  our  Army  and  the  State,  were  their 
hobby-horse,  their  vision  of  sovereign  felicity. 


108 

No  wonder  they  hate  the  author  of  their  de- 
feat. 

The  papers  you  promised  to  return,  I  have 
received  in  yours  of  the  14th  in  better  order 
than  they  went  from 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham,  Jr. 


LETTER  XXXV. 

FITCHBURG,  March  31,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  know  not  when  my  sensibilities 
have  been  more  exquisitely  touched,  than  they 
were,  by  the  perusal  of  your  favour  of  the  20th 
inst.  and  by  the  concluding  sentence  of  your 
letter  to  Messrs.  Wright  and  Lyman,  which  I 
read  at  the  same  time.  Thoroughly  sensible 
as  I  am  of  the  wrong  which  has  been  done  you, 
I  am  yet  persuaded,  that  the  natural  effect  of 
your  own  reflections  upon  it,  is  to  its  aggrava- 
tion, and  to  a  misconception  of  its  object.  I 
mean  with  the  Federal  party  at  large.  The 
vehement  opposition  of  the  leading  Federalists 
to  a  third  mission  to  France,  and  the  coldness 


109 

with  which  they  requited  your  regard  to  your 
high  responsibility,  were  the  most  unadvised 
steps ;  their  effect  was  to  oust  you,  and  over- 
throw the  Federal  cause  together — Party  spirit 
is  uncounsellable,  and  mischance  is  generally 
the  consequence  of  its  rashness.  So  nearly 
equipoised  as  were  the  parties,  equanimity  was 
the  virtue,  on  wThich  the  Federalists  could  alone 
rely  to  preserve  their  preponderance.  That 
you  was  the  only  candidate  in  the  nation  which, 
with  all  the  prudence  they  could  exercise,  they 
could  carry  into  the  Presidency,  was  a  fact  well 
understood  by  them,  and  their  conduct  towards 
you  quadrated  at  last  with  that  impression.  At 
the  election  of  1800,  their  endeavours  in  your 
favour  were  unabated  by  their  disapprobation 
of  the  third  diplomatic  attempt  to  adjust 
our  differences  with  France.  From  the  advice, 
very  particularly  urged,  by  Hamilton  upon  the 
electors,  to  give  an  equal  vote  to  Gen.  Pinckney, 
it  may  be  suspected,  that  in  case  of  the  success 
of  the  Federal  ticket,  and  of  a  choice  eventually 
by  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  intended 
to  throw  his  influence  into  that  body  in  favour 
of  the  Carolinian.  But  the  great  body  of  the 


110 

people  would  have  spurned  this  Machiavelian 
stratagem.  It  was  you,  and  you  only,  whom 
they  designated  for  the  first  office  in  their  gift. 
Excepting  the  devices,  of  a  transient  duration, 
which  were  employed  to  hoodwink  the  public 
respecting  the  reasons  you  had,  again  to  resort 
to  negociation  with  France,  I  cannot  think  that, 
even  with  the  rankest  Essex-Junto-men,  there 
has  ever  been  a  disposition  to  your  detraction ; 
an  estimation  of  your  worth  and  talents  border- 
ing on  devotion,  has  been  a  common  sentiment. 
Should  you  object  to  my  opinion  the  splenetic 
ebullitions  of  the  "Libeller"  Hamilton,  I  should 
not  be  disposed  to  retract  it.  I  have  no  dispo- 
sition to  depreciate  the  talents  of  Hamilton — 
had  they  been  greater,  the  invectives  in  his 
"Letter"'  could  not  have  been  sharpened  by 
them. 

Your  enumeration  of  the  various  ways  in 
which  the  solicitude  of  the  Directory  to  avert 
the  displeasure  of  an  insulted  people,  was  com- 
municated to  you,'  gives  me  great  pleasure  and 
satisfaction.  They  are  ample  authority  for  the 
felicitations  I  expressed  to  you  on  the  fortunate 
termination  to  your  fame  of  our  disputes  with 


Ill 

France.     It  affects  me,  my  dear  sir,  that  you 
understood  me  as  referring  to  "  present  popular- 
ity, that  echo  of  folly  and  shadow  of  renown." 
I  meant  not  the  fame  resembling  a  vegetable 
forced  in  a  hot  house,  expanding  luxuriantly  but 
with  a  sickly  hue,  and  wrhich  expires  the  instant 
it  is  exposed — But,  I  intended,  the  fame  repre- 
sented by  the   Mountain   Oak,  deepening  its 
roots  the  more  it  has  to  encounter,  and  though 
often  stripped  and  shattered  by  the  fury  of  the 
elements,  imbibes  from  them  a  vigour  which 
makes  its  spreading  branches  and  its  trunk  in- 
vincible to  their  power.     And  in  my  reference 
to  this  fame,  I  accorded  with  the  opinion  you 
expressed  in  the  letter  to  which  I  replied — You 
said  (speaking  of  the  year  '98)  "  If  ever  an  his- 
torian should  arise  fit  for  the  investigation,  this 
transaction  must  be  transmitted  to  posterity  as 
the  most  glorious  period  in  American  history.'' 
In  the  dialogue  with  Count  Diodati,  you  could 
not  have  avoided  the  consolation  of  the  reflec- 
tion, that,  if  in  the  strange  contrariety  of  human 
conduct,  you  should,  like  Aristides,  be  banished 
by  the  Ostracism,confined  like  Miltiades,  forced, 
like  Phcecion,  to  the  poisonous  draught,  or  be 


112 

slain  like  Scipio,  truth  would  soon  triumph  over 
delusion,  and  perpetuate  in  sculpture  its  irrever- 
sible decisions.  Among  the  comforts  of  this 
world,  I  hope,  dear  sir,  that  you  will  yet  find  min- 
gled the  extatic  ore  of  knowing,  that  you  live 
contemporaneously  with  your  own  glory,  and 
may  you  leave  the  world —  Vita  cedat  uti  conviva 
satur. 

I  perfectly  recollect  the  Address  to  Adet, 
but  that  it  was  penned  by  Pickering,  I  did  not 
before  know. 

The  State  papers  upon  which  I  wished  to 
have  your  thoughts,  were  those  issued  by  our 
Legislature ;  the  word  "Farrago"  is  intelligible 
of  your  opinion  of  all  that  have  recently  ap- 
peared. 

I  inclose  the  Lieut.  Governor's  Paper,  that 
you  may  see  what  use,  in  the  electioneering 
way,  is  made  of  your  Letter  to  Wright  and  Ly- 
man.  Was  it  your  expectation  that  they  would 
have  made  it  public  ? 

With  affection  and  respect, 
1  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


113 
LETTER  XXXVI. 

QUINCY,  dpril  24,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  your  favour  of  the  31st 
March  in  due  time :  but  I  am  become,  all  at 
once  and  very  unexpectedly,  a  man  of  business, 
and  of  so  much  importance  in  the  world,  that  I 
have  not  found  time  to  acknowledge  it,  till  now. 

You  say  your  sensibilities  were  exquisitely 
touched  by  my  last  letter  to  you  and  my  letter 
to  Wright  and  Lyman  which  you  received  at  the 
same  time.  The  word  sensibilities  has  a  very 
extensive  signification.  There  are  sensibilities 
of  pity,  compassion,  and  sympathy ;  sensibili- 
ties of  fear,  terror  and  horror ;  sensibilities  of 
resentment  and  revenge  ;  sensibilities  of  anger, 
wrath  and  fury ;  sensibilities  of  contempt,  dis- 
dain and  scorn ;  sensibilities  of  ridicule  and  hu- 
mour ;  and  lastly  sensibilities  of  love  and  tender 
affections.  I  will  not  descend  to  sensibilities  of 
a  lower  and  more  brutal  kind. 

But  you  have  not  told  me  what  species  of 
sensibilities  were  so  forcibly  excited  in  your 
bosom  by  those  poor  letters  of  mine. 

Your  sentiments,  concerning  the  Federalists 
16 


114 

in  general,  and  their  regard  to  me  at  the  time 
when  I  made  peace  with  France,  are,  I  believe, 
very  just.  But,  the  leaders  are  all ;  the  follow- 
ers nothing  :  and  the  leaders  are,  and  have  long 
been,  my  enemies.  The  great  body  are  silent 
and  inactive,  and  not  a  man  of  them  has  ever 
stepped  forth  to  vindicate  me,  or  express, 
the  slightest  indignation  at  the  eternal  revilings, 
which  appear  in  their  Newspapers. 

A  new  paper  has  been  set  up  in  Boston  call- 
ed the  Boston  Patriot,  edited  by  Everett  and 
Munroe.  Merely  because  the  paper  was  a 
novelty,  and  the  editors  total  strangers  to  me, 
I  have  chosen  it  to  convey  some  thoughts  to 
the  public.  I  will  either  throw  off  that  intole- 
rable load  of  obloquy  and  insolence  they  have 
thrown  upon  me,  or  I  will  perish  in  the  struggle. 

In  vain  will  you  soothe  me  with  the  hopes  of 
justice  from  posterity — from  any  future  histori- 
an. Too  many  falsehoods  are  already  transmit- 
ted to  posterity  that  are  irrevocable.  Records 
themselves  are  often  liars.  No  human  being 
but  myself,  can  do  me  justice  ;  and,  I  shall  not 
be  believed.  All  I  can  say  will  be  imputed  to 


vanity  and  self  love.  Be  it  so.  Job,  Paul  and 
Tully,  shall  be  my  examplars. 

You  ask  if  I  expected  that  Wright  and  Ly- 
man  would  publish  my  letter.  I  did  not  believe 
it  probable  that  they  would :  but,  I  did  not  care 
if  they  did.  I  thought  it  possible  they  might 
publish  the  paragraph  relative  to  Gore's  Decla- 
ration of  war  against  France. 

The  Dialogue  with  Deodati  is  literal  truth, 
and  I  could  give  you  a  multitude  of  reasons  I 
had  in  my  mind,  besides  the  general,  the  uni- 
versal conduct  and  destiny  of  democratic  Re- 
publics,* for  the  expectations  I  then  expressed 
to  that  wise  and  learned  Ambassador  from  the 
Elector  of  Saxony.  The  Dialogue  from  first 

*  Note  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Adams'  correspondent. 
"  It  will  be  recollected,  that  the  spirit  of  this  dialogue  was 
to  shew  that  Mr.  Adams,  though  then  enjoying  the  confi- 
dence of  his  country,  would  become,  at  last,  an  object  of 
its  persecution.  The  expectation  of  this  on  the  part  of.Mr. 
A.  was  founded  on  the  *  general,  the  universal  conduct  and 
destiny  of  democratical  Republics.'  What  is  this  '  conduct 
and  destiny  ?'  It  is  ingratitude  to  public  benefactors — anar- 
chy— despotism.  In  the  preceding  letter  from  Mr.  Adams, 
he  says,  that  certain  'conduct  of  his,  should  not  have 
brought  upon  him  disgrace' — &c.  Does  this  language 
shew  Mr.  A.  to  be  so  well  reconciled  to  the  fruition  of  his 
expectations,  as  the  indifference  would  indicate  in  which  he 
pronounced  their  anticipation  to  Deodati  ?" 


116 

to  last,  was  in  a  strain  of  perfect  good  humour, 
and  indeed  of  high  hilarity  and  free  convivi- 
ality. 

I  am  as  ever,  yours, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

P.  S.  I  considered  you  as  one  of  my  own 
House.  They  called  me  venerable  Father  of 
New-England.  I  resented  that,  because  if  there 
was  any  pretence  for  calling  me  Father  of  New- 
England,  there  was  equal  pretence  for  calling 
me  Father  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  I 
was  therefore  willing  to  be  thought  the  Father 
of  the  Nation.  J.  A. 

Mr.  Wm.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XXXVII. 

FITCHBURG,  May  6,  1809. 
Dear  8ir, 

I  was  duly  favoured  with  yours  of 

the  24th  ult.  The  species  of  sensibility  excit- 
ed by  your  Letters  in  March,  are  defined  by 
the  interest  I  take  in  whatever  affects  your  re- 
pose, your  happiness,  and  your  just  claims  on 
the  affections,  confidence  and  gratitude  of  a 
Country  reared  under  your  paternal  care.  If  it 


H7 

can  be  necessary  to  be  more  particular,  they 
were  the  various  and  refined  emotions  spring- 
ing, as  in  their  native  source,  from  the  contem- 
plation of  an  unexampled  instance  of  neglected 
virtue,  unruffled  yet  not  unhurt,  at  the  remem- 
brance of  the  unprovoked  waywardness  it  had 
experienced. 

I  should  receive  with  much  pleasure,  an  ac- 
count of  all  the  reasons  you  had  for  giving  the 
public  your  interlocutory  discourse  with  the 
Representative  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony. 
One  reason  is  extremely  obvious,  and  was  re- 
garded with  equal  grace  and  fitness — it  was, 
to  shew,  that  there  had  not  grown  out  of  in- 
gratitude a  more  numerous  nor  a  more  flagi- 
tious progeny  than  are  generally,  if  not  legiti- 
mately, produced  in  the  heats  of  party,  and 
consequently,  not  a  greater  than  you  were 
prepared  to  meet  and  manage  in  their  froward- 
ness.  Introduced  with  such  a  presentiment,  the 
conclusion  of  your  letter  to  Wright  and  Lyman, 
which  you  have,  probably,  noticed  to  have  in- 
curred the  accusation  of  whimpering,  bears  not 
the  lovely  weakness  of  a  heart  in  the  spontane- 
ous effusion  of  its  sorrow,  but  is  expressed  in 


118 

a  happy  union  of  dignified  civility,  and  of  grace- 
ful chastisement — in  the  point  and  purity  of 
your  examplar  Paul,  not  in  the  perturbed  tem- 
per of  Xerxes  when  he  Scourged  the  sea.    The 
cause  of  your  constructing  that  sentence  in  such 
a  strain  of  touching  tenderness,  must  cease  to 
receive  your  censure — the  fortunate  occasion  it 
afforded  you  of  expressing  the  Nationality  of 
your  affections,  atones  for  its  fault.     Confirmed, 
by  your  coincidence,  in  the  correctness  of  my 
sentiments  concerning  the  Federalists  in  gene- 
ral, I  feel  my  confidence  strengthened  in  the 
soundness  of  my  knowledge  of  some  of  their 
late  leaders.     Alexander  Hamilton   was  their 
head  and  hope.     He  was  the  Messiah,  under 
whose  reign  a  political  millenium  was  to  be  en- 
joyed.    Extravagant  encomiums  on  his  talents 
had  lifted  my  estimation  of  him  to  a  lofty  height, 
and  I  readily  confess,  that  in  some  interviews 
1  had  with  him  in  New-York,  the  prop  of  his 
fame  of  a  capacious  understanding  was  perspi- 
cuously displayed.  It  is  the  pride  of  his  friends 
that  he  was  ambitious  ;  but  that  this  passion  was 
in  him  kept  down  to  virtuous  emulation,  upon 
which  alone  they  can  exult,  is  not  so  evident. 


N  119 

The  testimony  of  Gen.  Washington  in  his  favour, 
if  not  extorted,  is  yet  not  unexceptionable. 
Washington,  like  yourself,  had  come  under  the 
displeasure  of  this  paragon  of  propriety,  and  a 
threatening  of  a  public  exposure  of  his  mistakes, 
was  suspended  over  the  head  of  Washington 
like  the  sword  of  Damocles,  with  this  difference, 
that  it  should  fall,  riot  on  falsehood  but  on  indo- 
cility.  This  is  a  fact,  unknown  to  the  public. 
It  is  unknown,  except  to  a  very  few  in  the 
Nation — You  sir,  know  what  authority  I  have 
for  the  declaration,*  General  Washington  was 
overawed  with  a  menace,  which  gave  you  but 
the  more  resolution.  Whether  he  or  you  had 
the  higher  reliance  on  the  consciousness  of 
right,  and  on  strength  of  capacity  to  wield  the 
cudgel  against  him — and  "  there  can  be  no  vic- 
tory without  crossing  the  cudgels" — are  ques- 
tions, which  even  if  they  were  not  now  passing 
the  test  of  experiment,  I  might  with  more  pro- 
priety, postpone  to  posterity,  than  refer  to  your 
determination,  or  pronounce  to  you  my  own. 

*This  note  is  in  the  hand  writing  of  Mr.  Adams'  corres- 
pondent.    "  Mr.  Adams  is  himself  my  authority  for  alt  this, 
-and  more." 


120 

Such  is  my  opinion  of  the  late  Idol  of  the  Fed- 
eral party.  If  he  would  not  like  "Moloch, 
vault  over  all  impediments  to  seize  the  goal  of 
his  ambition,"  his  course  was  undeviatingly 
shaped  towards  it.  At  the  fourth  Presidential 
Election,  it  was,  I  suspect,  his  intention  to  keep 
the  nation  bewildered,  to  deceive  them  with 
directions,  and  to  guide  them  by  the  circumvo- 
lutions of  a  wheel,  as  Ton}"  did  Marlow  and 
Hastings,  on  Crack-skull  Common.  In  the 
course  of  the  election  canvass,  General  Pinck- 
ney  made  an  excursion  into  the  eastern  section 
of  the  union.  On  his  return,  Hamilton  accom- 
panied him  from  New- York  to  New-Jersey, 
where  he  had  with  him  a  lengthy  interview.  It 
may  be  presumed  that  a  plan  of  proceeding  was 
concerted.  I  do  not  derive  this  presumption 
from  any  suspicion  of  the  honour  of  Pinckney, 
but  it  is  irresistibly  pressed  by  the  unwarranta- 
ble assumptions  of  Hamilton  on  your  advance- 
ment to  the  Presidency  ;  and,  by  his  being  of- 
fended at  your  very  proper  treatment  of  his 
officiousness.  His  agency  had  become  active 
in  the  administration  of  the  Government.  His 
pride  was  inflated  with  the  confidence  which 


121 

was  reposed  in  him,  and  by  the  submission  im- 
plicitly paid  by  many  to  his  opinions.  It  can- 
not be  doubted,  that  having  unsuccessfully  as- 
pired to  the  direction  of  the  measures  of  which 
you  were  the  appointed  head,  he  wished  a  suc- 
cession to  your  place  of  a  Chief  (if  this  is  not 
contradiction)  who  would  keep  his  bureau  at 
New- York.  But  why  have  I  told  you  all  this  ? 
You,  to  whom,  without  allusion,  every  secret 
was  as  promptly  known,  as  were  to  Cicero  the 
schemes  of  Cataline  ?  I  have  done  it  to  let  you 
see  that  I  have  not  been  studious  of  your  story 
without  acquiring  some  acquaintance  with  the 
arcana-credenda,  so  necessary  to  its  explanation. 
Interwoven  as  are  the  reasons  for  the  dismis- 
sion of  Pickering,  with  other  explanations,  I 
think  it  probable  that  you  will  publicly  reveal 
them,  and  release  me  from  the  injunctions  I  am 
under.  They  are  the  great  mystery.  A  person 
ycleped  General  Eaton,  and  who  affects  to  be  in 
every  secret,  in  a  speech  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Town  of  Brimfield,  has  very  confidently  assert- 
ed the  cause  to  be  Pickering's  opposition  to 
your  nomination  of  Col.  Smith  for  a  General 

Officer. 

17 


:•;:.- 

Seeing,  in  some  other  papers,  a  notice  ot  your 
Communications  to  the  Boston  Patriot,  I  shall 
send  for  that  paper.  I  cannot  conceal  from  you 
my  apprehension,  that  in  throwing  yourself  into 
the  troubled  element  of  dispute,  you  will  meet 
with  many  angry  surges — I  have  more  satisfac- 
tion in  communicating  the  conviction  that  you 
will  reach  the  shore  without  calling  upon  Cas- 
sius.  Forming  yourself  upon  the  model  of  Paul, 
you  will  be  crowned  with  his  success,  before 
his  judge  and  accusers. 

With  veneration  and  affection, 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XXXVIII. 

QUINCY,  June.  7,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

Yours  of  May  6th,  I  have  not 
acknowledged,  and  cannot  particularly  con- 
sider the  abundance  of  matter  in  it  at  pre- 
sent. If  you  see  the  Patriot,  you  will  see 
that  I  am  scribbling,  twice  a  week.  I  am 


123 

hammering  out  a  brass  farthing  into  an  acre  of 
leaf  brass.  But  I  was  determined  that  posteri- 
ty should  know  the  facts  relative  to  my  peace 
with  France  in  1800.  I  expect  "  angry  surges" 
enough.  Let  them  come.  They  cannot  sink 
me  lower  than  the  bottom,  and  I  have  been 
safely  landed  there  these  eight  years. 

I  rodomontaded  with  Lyman  and  Wright. 
They  called  me  Father  of  New-England — I  re- 
sented that,  because  if  I  was  a  Father  at  all,  I 
was  Father  of  all  the  States. — I  am,  in  earnest, 
a  friend  to  the  whole  Union,  comprehending 
East,  West,  North  and  South,  and  I  will  not 
countenance  a  project  of  division. 

John  Q.  Adams  exposed  Eaton's  usurped  title 
of  General,  which  is  directly  against  the  Con- 
stitution, and  opposed  the  grant  of  fifty  thou- 
sand dollars  to  him,  for  which  he  had  no  just 
claim.  That  is  enough  for  Eaton  to  revenge. 
It  is  true,  that  Pickering,  at  the  instigation  of 
Hamilton  as  I  suppose,  who  was  jealous  of  Smith  v  s 
as  a  favourite  of  Washington  and  a  better  offi- 
cer than  himself,  excited  a  faction  in  the  Senate 
against  him,  and  to  my  knowledge  propagated 
many  scandalous  falsehoods  concerning  him., 


124 

and  got  him  negatived,  though  Washington  had 
recommended  him  to  me.  But  no  personal  or 
family  considerations  would  have  induced  me 
to  dismiss  Pickering.  My  motives  were  public 
altogether :  but  I  have  not  yet  told  you  hall  of 
them. 

A  most  profound  silence  is  observed  relative 
to  my  scribbles.  I  say  not  a  word  about  them 
to  any  one:  and  nobody  says  a  word  to  me. 
The  Newspapers  are  as  still  as  midnight.  I 
suppose  the  sulphureous  combustibles  are  pre- 
paring under  ground,  and  the  electrical  fire  col- 
lecting in  the  clouds.  The  storm  of  thunder 
and  lightning,  hail  and  rain,  I  expect  will  burst 
upon  me  all  at  once  ;  and,  the  volcanoes  burst 
out  at  the  same  time.  If  I  am  neither  drowned 
in  the  rain,  nor  pierced  with  the  bolts,  nor 
blown  into  the  atmosphere  by  the  eruptions,  I 
must  be  invulnerable. 

Hie  munis  aheneus  Esto.  This  heart  be  my 
wall  of  Brass. 

I  will  not  die  for  nothing.  My  pen  shall  go 
as  long  as  my  fingers  can  hold  it. 

I  should  be  glad  to  know  if  you  read  the  Pat- 


126 

riot,  and  what  is  thought  of  it,  whether  and 
wherein  I  have  exposed  myself? 
In  great  haste, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Mr.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XXXIX. 

FITCHBURG,  June  14,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  favoured  with  yours  of  the  7th 
inst.  After  telling  me  that  the  employment  of 
your  thoughts  upon  your  public  essays  pre- 
cludes your  attention  for  the  present,  to  my  let- 
ters, I  should  be  bereft  of  apology  for  filling 
again  a  whole  sheet,  if  you  had  not  also  said 
that  you  are  in  no  apprehension  of  being  inun- 
dated. Amidst  the  heaviest  outpouring  which 
may  be  supposed  to  be  congregating  in  the  ele- 
ments of  human  vengeance,  I  know  you  wrill 
stand  like  a  conductor  of  electric  fluid,  which 
the  lightning  can  only  seize,  envelope,  and  rush 
down  its  sides,  but  which  it  leaves  uninjured 
to  cool,  and  to  stand  again  with  its  daring  points, 
amid  the  storm.  That  you  are  a  friend  to  an 


126 

indivisible  union  of  the  States,  is  most  clearly 
evinced  ;  and  you  derive  from  your  concern  for 
the  common  welfare,  as  indisputable  a  right  as 
was  possessed  by  Augustus  to  the  honourable 
and  endearing  title  of  the  Father  of  your 
Country. 

It  was  then  because  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams  had 
given  the  upstart  scribbler,  and  pedantic  mys- 
tagogue,  Eaton,  his  deserts,  that  he  spit  at  him 
the  toady  poison  with  which  he  was  so  much 
distended. 

J  take  the  Patriot,  but  either  through  miscar- 
riage or  purloining,  I  have  failed  of  the  recep- 
tion of  two  numbers.  You  ask  me  "  what  is 
thought  of  your  communications,  and  whether, 
and  wherein  you  have  exposed  yourself?"  I 
understand  that  a  replication  to  your  papers, 
will  be  a  task  assigned  to,  or  assumed  by,  Cole- 
man.  But  if  you  are  not  to  be  answered,  some 
short  sentence  of  scurrility  will  be  invented  and 
scattered. 

An  elderly  and  respectable  Clergyman,  on 
his  way  home  from  Boston,  called  on  me  last 
Friday,  and  continued  over  night.  He  inform- 
ed me  without  any  reserve,  that  Mr.  Whitney. 


127 


*•  your  Minister,  represented  to  him,  that  your 
resolution  to  rescue  your  reputation  from  re- 
proach, is  regarded  by  your  whole  family  as  an 
unfortunate  determination,  but  that  you  are  in- 
exorable to  their  entreaties  to  desist.     This  is 
one  of  the  tales  of  the  table,  and  whether  true 
or  unfounded,  ought  not,  I  think  to  be  propa- 
gated by  Mr.  Whitney  without  permission,  but 
he  is  pas  among  the  pragmatical.     Perhaps  the 
Clergy  have  got  their  cue.     Osgood  made  a 
pass  at  you  in  his  election  Sermon.     Some  of 
the  village  papers,  mere  puppies  of  the  pack, 
have  scented,  and  wag  their  joy  that  they  have 
dared  to  bark  at  some  of  your  numbers.     It  is 
unnecessary  to  refer  you  to  these  papers,  for 
like  Alexander  or  Scander,  you  can  enter  the 
lists  with  none  but  kings.     You  may  have  no- 
ticed that  the  Repertory,  which  I  consider  as 
sounding  the  highest  note  on  the  Federal  gamut, 
lately  insinuated  that  Everett  and  Munroe  were 
put  by  you  into  the  typographical  department 
to  serve  as  the  instruments  of  your  ill-will  to- 
wards certain  characters.     But  such  sportsmen 
at  your  reputation  will  find  that  they  have  been 
discharging  popguns  at  an  elephant. 


128 

The  enquiry  whether,  and  wherein  you  have 
exposed  yourself?  imposes  upon  me  the  most 
difficult  of  duties,  though  one,  which,  towards  a 
great  mind,  may  be  performed  without  dread. 
Before  I  reply,  I  cannot  but  remark  on  the  free 
and  flowing  style  in  which  your  developement 
is  written.  To  an  application  I  made  to  you, 
last  winter,  for  some  sentiments,  you  answered, 
that  you  had  neither  hands  nor  eyes,  nor  time 
to  write.  The  occasion  which  has  brought  you 
before  the  public,  has  been  the  Medea  of  your 
renovation.  The  struggle  in  which  you  are 
engaged  may  demand  the  strength  of  earlier 
years,  and  I  am  happy  in  the  discovery,  that 
you  are  in  the  vigor  of  the  restored  son. 

In  the  number  dated  May  — ,  wherein  you 
describe  the  importunate  and  fatiguing  earnest- 
ness of  Hamilton  to  inoculate  you  with  his  vi- 
sionary fears,  you  piteously  and  deridingly  use 
in  a  notice  of  his  person,  the  adjective  little.  I 
lamented  the  appearance  of  that  descriptive 
word,  because  the  stature  of  a  man  has  no  rela- 
tion to  a  mensuration  of  his  mind ;  and  I  la- 
mented it,  because  it  may  be  too  chargeable 
with  acrimony.  If  men  were  to  rank  high,  or 


129 

to  be  undervalued,  according  as  they  are  high 
or  low  on  the  size-stick,  Maximin  must  have 
been  the  greatest,  and  Napoleon  is  the  least  of 
all  adult  monarchs.  I  know  that  you  had  too 
much  provocation  in  the  gross  incivility,  !• 
might  say  rudeness,  of  Hamilton  towards  you ; 
but  would  not  your  exposures  of  him,  have  had 
as  much  weight,  had  you  omitted  an  expression 
of  contempt  ?  It  is  possible  that  as  nature  has 
not  given  me  indemnity  against  such  a  stroke  I  V 
may  be  too  sensible  of  its  wrong. 

In  the  number  dated  May  29th,  I  have  some 
doubt,  whether  you  have  not  too  incautiously  as- 
serted of  Mr.  Ames,  that  "despair  of  a  re-election 
from  the  increase  of  the  opposite  party  in  his  dis- 
trict, had  induced  him  to  decline  to  stand  a  can- 
didate." At  the  election  which  next  ensued  his 
speech  on  the  British  Treaty,  I  know,  he  had  not 
the  most  distant  expectation  of  being  re-chosen. 
This  appears  by  his  letters  to  Dr.  Clark  and 
others.  Boston  was  in  a  ferment  against  the 
Treaty,  and  forwarded  their  Resolutions  to  Phi- 
ladelphia by  the  wood-chuck,  Revere.  At  the 
election  referred  to,  Ames  did  not  suffer  his 

doubts,  or  despair  of  a  re-election,  to  influence 
18 


130 

him  to  decline  being  a  candidate.  "  The  deli- 
cacy of  his  health,  and  the  despondency  of  his 
disposition"  are  very  correctly  assigned  as 
causes  of  his  refusal  to  be  a  candidate,  and  were 
riot  these  enough  to  mention  ? 

In  this  paper,  you  have  unfolded  many  of  the 
particulars  which  you  disclosed  to  me  at  an 
interview,  I  had  the  honour  to  have  with  you  at 
your  house  in  August  1804,  and  which  I  pre- 
served to  assist  me  in  the  composition  of  some 
essays.  Comparing  its  contents  with  my  min- 
utes, I  cannot  but  think  you  more  courteous  than 
I  am,  in  being  willing  to  bestow  so  much  un- 
qualified praise  on  Mr.  Jefferson.  You  strength- 
en an  encomium  on  this  gentleman  by  found- 
ing it  on  "  an  intimate  friendship  for  Jive  and 
twenty  years"  and  by  a  fellowship,  perhaps  as 
long  in  public  business.  According  to  my  me- 
morandums, you  mentioned  at  the  interview 
in  1804  that  Mr.  Jefferson  while  a  member  of 
the  old  Congress,  frequently  vented  sarcasms 
against  religion,  and  once,  in  debate  spoke 
sneeringly  of  the  scriptures,  which  drew  you 
from  your  seat.  The  strength  and  severity  of 
your  observations  in  reply  procured  acknowl- 


131 

edgments  from  R.  H.  Lee  and  two  others. 
You  acknowledged  Jefferson  to  have  been  a 
student  in  some  branches  of  learning,  but 
thought  him  superficially  acquainted  with  the 
science  of  civil  rule.  You  gave  me  a  minute 
account  of  the  framing  of  the  declaration  of  In- 
dependence, and  why  and  to  what  extent,  Jef- 
ferson had  a  hand  in  it.  And  you  told  me,  that 
when  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  Ambassador 
to  France,  he  informed  you,  that  he  would  not 
embark  without  his  wife,  and  that  he  would  not  \/ 
be  exposed,  with  his  family,  to  a  British  man  of 
war  for  all  this  world.  All  these  particulars, 
but  without  the  most  distant  allusion  to  the 
source  whence  I  derived  them,  have  been  in- 
corporated into  my  political  speculations  ;  and, 
I  have  reposed  upon  you  for  my  authority.  In 
addition  to  this  in  a  letter,  dated  January  16th, 
1804,  after  enumerating  the  various  stations  in 
his  political  life,  you  speak  thus  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son : — "  Anecdotes  from  my  memory  would  cer- 
tainly be  known.  There  are  some  there,  known 
only  to  him  and  me.  But  they  would  not  be  be- 
lieved, at  least  they  would  be  said  not  to  be  be- 
lieved, and  would  be  imputed  to  envy,  revenge, 


132 

or  vanity.  I  wish  him  no  ill;  I  envy  him  not. 
I  shudder  at  the  calamities  which  I  fear  his  con- 
duct is  preparing  for  his  Country,  from  a  mean 
thirst  of  popularity,  an  inordinate  ambition,  and 
want  of  sincerity"  If  you  have  written  and 
spoken  in  this  manner  to  others,  and  it  should 
become  public,  would  it  not  palsy  your  pane- 
gyric f  I  know  that  this  enquiry  can  be  very 
properly  pursued  by  an  "  analysis  of  investiga- 
tion." 

Again.  In  the  third  column,  you  say,  Hamil- 
ton's friends,  among  the  heads  of  departments, 
and  their  correspondents  in  Boston,  New-York 
and  Philadelphia,sympathized  with  him  very  cor- 
dially in  his  hatred  of  Gerry,  and  of  every  other 
man  who  had  laboured  and  suffered  early  in  the 
Revolution"  Have  you  not  gone  too  far  here  ? 
Were  not  Washington,  Knox,  and  many  more, 
"  who  had  laboured  and  suffered  in  the  Revolu- 
tion," in  the  confidence  of  Hamilton  and  his 
friends  ? 

Respecting  Hamilton's  synopsis,  handed  to 
you  by  Mr.  Tracy,  I  recurred  to  my  notes.  I 
find  the  army  was  to  be  one  hundred  thousand 
instead  of  fifty  thousand.  In  the  Patriot  of  last 


133 

Saturday  you  say  that  a  majority  in  the  States 
south  of  the  Hudson,  would  have  confederated 
under  Burr,  and  a  majority  north  of  that  river, 
under  Hamilton — that  Burr  would  have  beaten 
Hamilton  to  pieces — what  would  have  followed, 
you  say,  let  the  prophets  foretel.  Is  not 
the  mastery  of  the  Chiefs  as  much  a  matter  of 
prediction  as  any  of  the  consequences  ?  Is  it 
not  the  main  question  ? 

I  must  on  your  account,  as  well  as  my  own, 
defer  a  farther  examination. 

Is  not  the  "  review  of  the  works  of  Fisher 
Ames,"  written  by  the  younger  Pliny. 
With  veneration  and  affection, 
1  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XL. 

QUINCY,  June  22,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  most  sincerely  thank  you  for  your 
excellent  letter  of  the  14th. — It  contains  an 
abundance  of  matter  that  deserves,  and  shall 

• 


134 

have  my  most  serious  consideration.  But  at 
present  I  have  not  time  to  be  serious.  I  had  a 
delicious  laugh  with  my  family.  I  said  nothing 
till  we  were  all  at  table  at  dinner:  My 
wife,  my  two  daughters  in  law,  my  niece,  Miss 
Louisa  Smith,  and  my  two  grand  daughters, 
misses,  just  entering  their  teens.  My  son  was 
at  Cambridge.  I  assumed  a  very  grave  counte- 
nance, and  said  1  had  received  information,  from 
fifty  miles  distance,  that  I  had  given  offence  to 
my  family.  I  was  very  sorry  to  hear  it,  I  wish- 
ed to  know  which  it  was,  that  I  might  make 
my  apology  or  give  some  satisfaction.  Lord  ! 
Who  ?  What  ?  Why  ?  what,  sir,  can  you  mean  ? 
sounded  instantly  from  all  quarters. 

I  learn  that  my  family  is  grieved  at  my  Let- 
ters in  the  Newspapers,  and  have  intreated  me 
to  desist,  but  that  I  obstinately  go  on  to  their 
mortification.  The  whole  table  was  in  a  roar 
at  this.  My  Wife  had  read  every  line,  I  believe, 
but  one  letter,  before  it  went  to  the  press.  She 
was  not  alarmed.  My  two  daughters  declar- 
ed they  had  never  said  a  word.  My  two 
grand  daughters  cryed  out,  that  on  the  contrary 
nothing  delighted  them  so  much  as  to  read 


135 

them.  Louisa,  I  know,  said  I,  never  said  any 
thing  for  she  is  no  talker.  Aye  but  I  have  said 
something,  for  I  was  in  company  with  ladies  in 
Boston  a  few  days  ago,  who  were  lamenting 
that  you  were  writing,  and  said  it  was  unneces- 
sary and  below  your  dignity.  I  was  very  much 
provoked  and  said,  why  should  not  my  uncle 
vindicate  himself,  as  well  as  any  other  gentle- 
man ?  My  daughter  in  law  said  "  I  know  sir 
that  your  two  sons  are  very  much  delighted 
that  you  have  taken  the  subject  up."  This  I 
knew  as  well  as  she  did. 

Never,  sir,  was  a  more  groundless  report  or 
a  more  sheer  fabrication.  Mr.  Whitney  never 
could  have  said  any  such  thing. 

A  number  of  these  dastardly  lies  have  been 
made  and  circulated,  but  I  regard  them  no  more 
than  the  croak  of  the  Tree  Toad. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XLI. 

FITCHBURG,  June  30,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received,  by  the  last  mail,  your 

esteemed  favour    of  the  22d  inst.     The  unit- 


136 

ed  testimony  of  your  most  amiable  family 
in  repulsion  of  the  calumny  which  was  said 
to  have  originated  with  Mr.  Whitney  has  not 
disappointed  me.  Should  it  become  again  a 
topic  at  your  social  board,  I  pray  that  my  af- 
fectionate respects  may  go  along  with  it  to  the 
company. 

In  my  last  I  taxed  your  patience  pretty 
largely  with  my  comments  on  your  publications 
in  the  Patriot.  As  you  have  received  them  with 
the  indulgence  due  to  their  intention,  I  feel  en- 
couraged to  proceed,  and  to  lay  upon  you  the 
unassessed  part  of  these  comments,  as  heavily 
as  your  warrant  will  authorize. 

Several  of  your  letters  shew  throughout  the 
hand  of  Ulysses.  The  passages  of  beauty  in 
them,  and  of  harmony  with  your  other  works, 
which  frequently  occur,  I  mark  as  I  proceed. 
But  I  shall  be  more  afraid  of  offending  you  with 
their  enumeration,  than  I  am  with  pointing  out 
any  instances  of  defect  or  disagreement — these, 
for  that  is  my  commission,  I  must  seek,  and 
find  Csesar,  if  I  can,  in  contradiction  with  him- 
self. I  must  apprise  you  before  I  go  farther, 
that  my  receipt  of  the  Patriot  has  been  again 


137 

interrupted  ;  and  those  which  get  to  hand  I  can- 
not secure  against  an  avaricious  curiosity.  I 
passed  over  a  paragraph  in  the  letter  dated 
May  29th,  which  I  will  now  notice,  not  because 
it  contradicts  any  thing  you  have  before  said, 
but  to  shew  you,  that  the  distance  between  you 
when  President,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  will  be  ac- 
counted for,  upon  principles  which  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  been  then  operative  on  your 
mind.  In  the  letter  you  say,  "  We  parted  as 
good  friends  as  we.  had  always  lived  ;  but  we 
consulted  but  very  little  together  afterwards. 
Party  violence  soon  rendered  it  impracticable, 
or  at  least  useless."  Here  you  give  the  cause  of 
the  distance  between  you,  and  it  will  be  ad- 
mitted on  your  credibility — but,  in  the  "  Dis- 
courses on  Davila,"  you  said  (as  I  recollect  the 
passage)  that  it  would  be  impolitic  for,  and 
you  give  reasons  why,  a  Chief  should  refrain 
from  an  intimacy  with  the  second  in  power." 

When  I  read  your  letter  to  the  printers  of  the 
Patriot  dated  June  7th,  I  regretted  having  made 
objections  to  the  epithet  little,  used  in  a  pre- 
ceding number,  because  it  was,  compared  with 

the  contents  of  this,  a  small  article  ;  arid  because. 
10 


138 

from  a  natural  obstinacy  in  adhering  to  what  we 
once  advance,  they  may  have  insensibly  assist- 
ed in  strengthening  a  doubt,  whether  you  have 
adopted  the  method  of  treating  Hamilton,  the 
best  adapted  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  public  of 
your  own  vast  superiority.     Your  letter  to  the 
printers  begins  with  a  quotation  from  Hamilton, 
which  you  call "  a  phantom,  conjured  up  to 
terrify  minds  and  nerves  as  weak  as  his  own." 
But  you  immediately  add,  that  his  opinion  was 
embraced  by  some,  of  whose  "  sense  and  firm- 
ness," you  had  good  expectations.     In  aiming  a 
blow  at  Hamilton,  have  you  not  struck,  indis- 
criminately, his  friends  and  followers,  and  anger- 
ed them  with  the  accusation,  rather  aggravated 
than  alleviated,  of  mental  and  nervous  weak- 
ness ?  In  lieu  of  the  measure  which  had  been 
proposed  by  Hamilton,  "  we  might,"  you  say, 
"  as  well  petition   the  King  and  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  to  take  us  again  under  their  gra- 
cious  protection."     "  Is  any  one  certain   that 
Great  Britain  would  consent  to  it,  if  we  should 
propose  it  ?"     This   enquiry   is   in   your  own 
words,  as  contained  in  your  answer  to  the  ad- 
dress of  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  county  of  Ulster 


139 

in  the  State  of  New-York,  dated  Sept.  26,  1798. 
in  which  you  declared  your  disbelief,  that  Great 
Britain  would  again  receive  us  in  the  character 
of  Colonies.  Is  the  reply  to  Hamilton  and  the 
reply  to  the  Jury  of  the  same  complexion  ? 
Again — You  say  in  the  letter  under  considera- 
tion, that  "Mr.  Murray  must  have  gone  to  Paris 
with  his  full  powers,  or  must  have  communicat- 
ed them  to  Mr.  Pichon — The  French  Govern- 
ment must  have  appointed  a  Minister  to  treat 
with  him — their  full  powers  must  have  been 
exchanged."  Was  this  etiquette  necessarily  to 
be  followed  on  the  adoption  of  Hamilton's  plan 
of  having  a  minister,  resident  at  a  neighbouring 
Court,  empowered,  and  provisionally  instruct- 
ed to  treat  with  France  ?  His  words  are : — 
"  with  eventual  instructions  predicated  upon 
appearances  of  approaching  peace."  Is  it  unu- 
sual or  improper  to  give  such  instructions  ?  Is  it 
not  customary  for  an  offending  power,  inclined 
to  reparation,  to  sound  the  disposition  of  the 
injured  nation,  and  to  pass  propositions  to  it 
through  its  functionary  at  another  Court  ?  You 
contend,  and  correctly,  that  it  is  not  only  custom- 
ary, but  proper,  and  that  what  comes  through 


140 

such  a  channel  is  entitled  to  attention.  Admit- 
ting this,  and  that  the  advances  must  have  come 
from  that  side,  were  not  the  objections  to  Ham- 
ilton's plan  founded  on  its  being  less  expedient 
than  your  own,  rather  than  on  its  impracticabil- 
ity, or  on  the  embarrassments  to  its  execution  ? 
The  secrecy  recommended  did  not,  I  think,  be- 
tray forgetfulness  of  the  Constitution.  "You 
might"  he  says,  "secretly  and  confidentially  have 
nominated."  To  whom?  The  Senate.  Did 
his  recommendation  mean  any  thing  more  than 
the  usual  injunction?  And  would  his  design 
have  been  exposed  to  defeat  if  the  nomination 
had  been  dishonourably  promulgated?  Such 
promulgation  would  not  have  made  the  appoint- 
ments an  overt  act  of  the  Government,  which  is 
all,  that  he  wished,  for  the  sake  of  appearances 
to  have  avoided.  In  one  of  your  Letters,  you 
suggest  that  the  President's  privy  council, 
should  be  under  an  oath  of  secrecy.  In  the 
appointment  of  Ambassadors,  the  Senate  are 
that  Council — Can  Hamilton  be  blamed  for 
presuming  on  the  honour  which  can  alone  sup- 
ply the  omission  of  an  oath  ?  If,  however,  his 
system  had,  as  you  assert,  no  other  motive  than 


141 

to  shun  giving  umbrage  to  England,  it  is  im- 
possible that  it  should  be  condemned  with  too 
much  severity,  or  treated  with  too  much  con- 
tempt. You  go  on  and  say : — "  Besides,  this 
would  have  been  the  very  indirect  and  circuit- 
ous mode  which  Mr.  Hamilton  so  deeply  de^ 
plored."  It  would,  indeed,  have  been  a  circuit- 
ous mode,  but  so  far  from  the  case  in  which  he 
deplored  being  so,  he  thought,  as  he  asserts, 
that  a  due  regard  to  our  honour  restricted  us  to 
that  mode  in  every  farther  effort  of  our  own  to 
produce  an  eclaircissment  with  France.  It  is 
obviously  true,  that  the  circumstances,  which 
give  a  nation  a  right  to  demand  an  act  of  conde- 
scension of  another,  ought  to  keep  her  stub- 
bornly resolved  against  her  own  humiliation. 
If  Hamilton  sincerely  believed  that  the  honour 
of  the  nation  stood  opposed  to  an  embrace  of 
the  overtures  which  had  been  made,  can  he  be 
accused  of  attempts  upon  your  fidelity,  and  on 
the  faith  of  the  Government  in  endeavouring  to 
dissuade  you  against  meeting  them  ? 

You  hint,  in  the  next  Letter,  that,  with  views  y 
to  hostilities  with  France,  Hamilton  intended  to 
encumber  the  intercourse  with  her;  and,  you 


142 

rest  a  presumption  of  his  disinclination  to  peace, 
on  his  ardour  for  military  fame ;  on  his  recom- 
mendation to  provide  an  Army  of  a  magnitude 
'•  disproportioned  to  our  dangers;  on  some  ex- 
pressions of  concern  for  his  personal  safety 
without  military  protection,  on  the  extinguish- 
ment, by  peace,  of  this  refuge,  and  on  his  insist- 
ing that  France  should,  contrary  to  the  confi- 
dence you  presume  he  had  she  would  not,  send 
a  Minister  here.  I  feel  the  weight  of  this  pre- 
sumption— but,  would  it  not  have  been  better, 
that  you  should  have  forborne  to  do  more  than 
to  bring  to  light  the  facts  which  favour  it,  and  to 
have  left  to  others  the  inference  of  "  Thus  it  is, 
when  self-sufficient  ignorance  impertinently 
obtrudes  itself  into  offices" — and — "  when  am- 
bition undertakes  to  sacrifice  all  characters, 
and  the  peace  of  Nations,  to  its  own  private  in- 
terest?" 

You  conclude  the  letter  of  the  7th,  with  an 
insinuation  of  Hamilton's  destitution  of  the  Mil- 
itary knowledge  of  a  drill  Sargeant. — You  speak 
of  the  inglorious  passions  excited  in  him  by  the 
greater  capacity  and  assiduity  of  another  Zieten, 
with  whom  he  was  connected  in  his  Military 


143 

command — and  of  the  "  puerilities"  which  de- 
graded him  below  "  the  awkwardest  boy  at  col- 
lege." A  retort,  like  that  of  Mr.  Pitt  upon  Sir 
Robert  Walpole,  expressed  before  the  excite- 
ments to  it  have  opportunity  to  subside,  is  re- 
garded by  mankind  with  more  favour,  than  a 
retort,  in  the  same  spirit,  uttered  long  after  its 
provocation  had  passed  by.  Had  you  reviewed 
the  reasons  why  it  is  so,  I  think  you  would  have 
been  more  sparing. 

In  loading  so  liberally  the  memory  of  Hamil- 
ton, have  you  conformed  to  the  counsel  inculca- 
ted in  the  " Discourses  on  Davila"  in  the  thir- 
ty-first and  last  number,  respecting  the  rivalries 
of  great  families  ?  And,  in  thus  loading  him, 
have  you  not,  injuriously  to  yourself,  inflamed 
the  feelings  of  many,  who,  with  much  fondness, 
cherish  his  remembrance  ?  Can  he,  without  a 
reflection  upon  Washington,  be  accused  of  an 
incapacity  to  "teach  tacticks  to  his  troops  ?r 
Can  he,  without  a  reflection  upon  Jay  and  Mad- 
ison, be  charged  with  " puerilities"  when,  in 
concert  with  these  gentlemen,  he  made  an  ex- 
position of  the  Constitution,  which  is  appealed 
to  in  Congress,  and  in  our  Courts,  as  a  standard  ? 


144 

Can  he,  without  a  reflection  upon  several  Uni- 
versities, and  upon  all  our  historians,  be  ranked 
below  " the  awkwardest  boy  at  College"  when 
those  have  conferred  on  him  their  highest 
honours,  and  these  have  been  lavish  in  encomi- 
ums on  his  talents  ?  Even  Mrs.  Warren,  strong- 
ly prejudiced  against  him,  is  not  an  exception. 
Would  it  not  have  been  better  to  have  defined 
with  perspicuity,  as  you  have  done,  the  reasons 
for  your  proceedings  with  respect  to  France, 
and  to  have  left  to  the  reader  the  inference  of 
Hamilton's  mistakes? 

Soon  after  Gov.  Jay  returned  from  his  last 
embassy  to  Europe,  I  dined  with  him  at  his 
house  in  New- York,  with  a  large  party,  of  whom 
Hamilton  was  one.  The  Governor,  after  Mr. 
Hamilton  withdrew,  spoke  of  the  estimation  in 
which  he  was  held  in  Europe,  and  said  that  he 
was  the  first  in  fame  there  of  the  Americans. 
And  he  gave  his  opinion  very  freely,  that  the 
talents  of  Hamilton  were  not  overrated.  Tal- 
ents so  ably  defended,  will  not  be  likely  to  be 
carried  by  a  russe  de  guerre.  It  was  in  this 
view,  that  I  at  first  had  thoughts  of  giving  you 
this  information,  but  since  I  have  seen  your  let- 


145 

ter  of  the  22d  inst.  I  have  another  motive  suf- 
ficiently audible  in  silence. — When  I  told  you, 
and  gave  some  reasons  why  the  Federalists 
could  not  have  preferred  Mr.  Jay  for  President, 
I  may  have  reckoned  without  my  host. 

What  a  slap  in  the  letter  of  the  22d  have  you 
given  the  Monticellonian  sage,  *in  asserting 
your  superiority  to  the  same  sacrifices  which  he 
refused  to  make,  in  the  service  of  his  Country ! 
The  resolution  which  you  adopted,  of  Martin 
Luther,  was  as  aptly  adapted  to  your  situation 
as  to  your  character.  A  Revolution  as  impor- 
tant to  mankind  as  the  reformation  in  1517,  took 
place  in  1775,  and  of  the  one  you  were  as  much 
the  head  as  Luther  of  the  other. 

Again — Your  letter  published  last  Saturday, 
dated  June  10th,  begins  with  a  reflection  on 
Hamilton's  venal  appetites.  You  had  alluded 
to  them  before ;  and,  if  they  were  founded  on 
the  affair  with  his  paramour,  the  bonaroba  Rey- 
nolds, are  you  not  unkind  in  laying  open  that 
wound  ?  It  is  an  aphorism  of  Lavater,  that, "  He 
who  has  genius  and  eloquence  sufficient  to 
cover  or  excuse  his  errours,  yet  extenuates  not, 

but  rather  accuses  himself,  and  unequivocally 
20 


146 

confesses  guilt,  approaches  the  circle  of  immor- 
tals." It  will  not  be  disputed,  that  he  who  pen- 
itently makes  this  confession,  obtains  acquit- 
tance at  the  bar  of  reason  and  religion.  I  have 
no  occasion,  on  my  own  account,  to  be  an  apol- 
ogist of  incontinence.  It  is  a  crime  which 
empties  a  poisonous  vial  into  that  little  fountain 
of  connubial  bliss,  in  which  the  finest  feelings 
of  our  nature  have  their  fullest  play. 

These,  sir,  are  some  of  the  reflections  which 
sprung  up  in  my  mind  on  the  broken  reading,  I 
have  as  yet  had,  of  your  public  letters.  It  is  to 
you,  and  to  you  only,  I  communicate  them, 
and  that  according  to  your  desire.  I  have  made 
them  singly  with  a  view  to  the  splendour  of 
your  glory  through  successive  ages.  If,  as  is 
said,  there  is  an  adaptation  in  the  contents  of 
your  letters,  to  the  recovery,  by  your  family, 
of  departed  power,  I  cannot  recognize  it.  I  la- 
ment that  any  prejudices  are  existing  to  weak- 
en the  estimation  by  the  public  of  the  most  ex- 
alted excellence. — They  will  relax  under  the 
just  encomiums  pronounced  by  the  impartial, 
when  they  would  be  rivetted  by  the  egotism 
expressed  by  the  interested — May  they  give 


147 

way  in  respect  to  yourself  and  your  family,  till 
you  shall  become  as  dear  to  the  American 
people  as  were  the  Medici  to  the  Italians. 

If  the  reflections  I  have  offered  are  of  no 
weight,  I  may  be  the  more  easily  convinced  for 
having  an  inclination  to  be  converted.  If,  on 
the  contrary  they  are  of  any  strength,  you  may 
receive  them  in  season  to  be  serviceable. 

In  my  humble  opinion,  your  remarks  on 
Hamilton's  pamphlet  should  have  been  untinc- 
tured  with  asperity.  "He  who  renders  full 
justice  to  his  enemy  shall  have  friends  to  adore 
him."  The  shaft  which  is  tinged  with  gaul, 
thrown  by  what  hand  it  will,  can  never  pierce 
like  IthuriePs  spear.  Is  the  character  of  Lord 
Mansfield  less  esteemed  because  he  was  a 
mark  for  the  polished  arrows  of  Junius  ?  You 
were  raised  higher  above  the  reach  of  envy  or 
malice.  Your  expressions  censuring  Gen.  Ham- 
ilton which  occasioned  him  to  write  his  "  most 
famous  letter"  were  uttered  confidentially  to 
Mr.  Pickering,  and  Mr.  McHenry,  and  by  the 
latter,  as  you  suppose,  were  dishonourably  be- 
trayed to  Hamilton.  You  said  no  more  than 
was  exacted  by  the  duty  of  your  station,  and 
consequently  nothing  unallowable.  The  de- 


148 

mands  made  by  Hamilton  were  very  indefinite, 
and  unauthorised  by  the  laws  of  honour.  These 
truths  would  not  perish  in  oblivion — the  mists 
in  which  they  have  been  obscured,  will  be  dis- 
sipated ;  and,  the  public  will  yield  their  minds 
to  their  just  operation.  "Nothing,"  says  an 
acute  observer "  is  more  impartial  than  the 
stream-like  public ;  always  the  same  and  never 
the  same ;  of  whom,  sooner  or  later  each  mis- 
represented character  obtains  justice,  and  each 
calumniated,  honour."  Another,  less  known  to 
fame,  but  not  less  accurate  in  his  remarks,  ob- 
serves : — "Talents  which  are  before  the  public, 
have  nothing  to  dread  from  the  transient  misre- 
presentations of  party  spleen  or  envy.  In  spite 
of  opposition  from  any  cause,  their  buoyant 
spirit  will  lift  them  to  their  proper  grade." 
"  The  man  who  comes  fairly  before  the  world, 
and  who  possesses  the  great  and  vigorous  sta- 
mina which  entitles  him  to  a  niche  in  the  temple 
of  glory  has  no  reason  to  dread  the  ultimate  re- 
sult ;  he  will,  in  the  end,  most  indubitably  re- 
ceive that  distinction." 

With  veneration  and  affection,  I  am.  &c. 
WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


149 
LETTER  XLII. 

FITCHBURG,  July  24,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

To  my  letter  of  the  30th  ult.  I  have 
not  been  favoured  with  an  answer.  I  feel  an 
uncertainty  from  which  I  wish  to  be  relieved, 
whether  that  letter  got  to  your  hands. 

What  is  this  new  freak  of  England  ?  Can  it 
be,  that  we  are  only  acting  a  farce  of  "  Who's 
the  Dupe?"  If  so,  we  will  stop  the  play, and 
exhibit  "  Venice  Preserved,  or  the  Plot  Dis- 
covered." Can  she  think,  that  if  we  refuse  to 
march  directly  to  a  point,  she  can  bring  us  to 
it  by  carrying  us,  nolens  volens,  through  Pem- 
lico  into  Holborn,  and  through  Pall  mall  into 
Finsbury  square  ?  Can  she  think,  that,  after  the 
manner  of  a  Persian  Monarch,  she  can  crop  off 
our  noses  and  that  we  will  remain  content  be- 
cause our  heads  are  spared  ?  We  must  consider 
our  country  as  our  parent,  and,  in  any  difficulty, 
we  must  be  emulous  towards  it  of  the  conduct  of 
the  son  of  Anchises  towards  his  father.  Or,  like 
Manlius,  we  will  give  to  its  accuser  the  option 
of  death,  or  its  exemption  from  dishonour. 

Mr.  Erskine's  letters,  though  a  more  full,  may 


150 

have  even  a  less  faithful  sign  of  friendship,  than 
Cressida's  glove  given  to  Troilus   on  her  de- 
parture from  Troy  from  the  Grecian  Camp — 
Ubijus  incertum,  ibijus  nullum. 
With  veneration,  &c. 
1  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XLIII. 

QUINCY,  July  31,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  received  in  season  your  favour  of 
the  30th  June  as  well  as  that  of  July  24th,  and 
thank  you  for  both. 

The  first  is  full  of  the  candour  and  frankness  of 
true  friendship,  and  deserves  my  mature  consid- 
eration. I  have  not  been  able  to  answer  it,  for 
I  have  been  very  busy,  and  my  son's  destination 
and  preparations  for  departure,  have  claimed  all 
my  attention.  It  is  an  heartrending  stroke  to 
me.  I  may  see  him  no  more.  I  hope  his 
absence  will  not  be  long.  Jlristides  is  ban- 
ished  because  he  is  too  just.  HE  WILL  NOT  LEAVE 

AN  HONESTER  OR  ABLER  MAN  BEHIND  HIM. 


151 

I  am  in  a  fair  way  to  give  my  criticks  and  en- 
emies food  enough  to  glut  their  appetites. 
They  spit  their  venom  and  hiss  like  serpents. 
But  no  facts  are  denied,  no  arguments  confuted. 
I  take  no  notice  of  their  billingsgate.  Let  it 
boil  and  broil.  I  have  had  their  secret  hatred 
for  ten  years,  for  twenty  years,  for  all  my  life 
indeed.  And  I  had  rather  have  their  open  hos- 
tility than  their  secret.  I  never  hoped  for  mer- 
cy from  British  Bears  and  Tory  Tigers.  Their 
system  would  lead  this  country  to  misery  and  I 
will  not  follow  it. 

Yours  sincerely. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  XLIV. 

FITCHBURG,  Aug.  9,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  duly  received  your  favour  of  the 
31st  ult  The  separation  from  you  of  your  son. 
would  be,  I  knew,  as  painful  to  you  both  as 
was  the  parting  of  Paris  and  Priam,  when  the 
jon  took  leave  of  the  Father  for  Lacademon : 


152 

"British  Bears  and  Tory  Tigers"  are  not  intend- 
ed for  an  indiscriminate  application  to  the  Fed- 
eralists. From  the  manner  in  which,  in  your 
letters,  you  have  spoken  of  Mr.  Jay,  Judge 
Chase,  Judge  Dana  and  others,  it  is  evident  that 
you  consider  many  of  the  Federalists  as  Hes- 
perian Dragons  guarding  the  tree  of  Liberty. 
But  Bears  and  Tigers,  of  whatever  cast  or 
Country,  which  are  like 

"That  mad  Bull,  whom  M;ircius  lets  loose, 

On  each  occasion,  when  he'd  make  Rome  feel  him, 

To  toss  our  laws  and  liberties  in  the  air," 

I  would  most  freely  join  you  in  hunting 
down. 

I  shall  forbear  troubling  you  with  any  farther 
remarks  on  your  public  letters.  No  one  can 
enter  more  deeply  into  your  true  situation.  I 
know  the  zeal,  and  ardour,  and  extent,  and  con- 
stancy, and  disinterestedness,  of  your  exertions, 
to  stretch  out  to  your  country  safe  leading 
strings  for  her  infancy,  in  circulating  lessons  to 
guard  her  childhood  and  to  give  her,  at  last, 
the  stamina  of  sound  maturity. 

Perceiving,  at  first,  that  your  determination 
to  publish,  originated  in  circumstances  which 


153 

would  put  all  the  virtues  of  the  Man,  and  all  the 
greatness  of  the  first  Character  in  the  Nation, 
to  the  severest  trial,  I  gazed  with  eagerness  on 
the  spectacle.  And,  it  may  be,  because  my 
fears  fluttered  too  much  in  a  sense  of  our  infir- 
mities ;  or,  that  my  expectations  of  a  finished 
example  were  so  sanguinely  set  as  to  make  me 
too  vigilant  of  a  failing,  that  I  thought  I  saw  it — 
as  too  eager  a  gaze  on  a  brilliant  spotless  mir- 
ror, will  soon  stamp  it  somewhere  with  a  proof 
of  the  imperfection  of  our  sight.  I  have  another 
apology.  At  a  conversation,  to  which  I  have 
before  referred,  you  said  of  Hamilton,  that 
you  had  confided  a  son  to  his  instruction-— that 
when  Vice-President,  you  was  ex  officio,  con- 
nected with  him  in  the  commission  on  the  sink- 
ing fund,  and  that  your  concurrence  with  him 
was  indispensably  required  to  enable  him  to 
carry  his  measures  against  Mr.  Jefferson, 
another  commissioner — and  you  was  totally 
confounded  in  any  attempt  to  explain  his  con- 
duct in  his  letter  concerning  you,  aside  from 
supposing  it  the  offspring  of  a  brain  distemper- 
ed with  ambition — on  this  passion  you  descant- 
ed, and  ended  your  remarks  upon  him,  with  the 
21 


104 

expression  of  an  hope  that  he  was  sincere  in 
the  professions  of  his  last  hour ;  and,  turning 
your  eyes  upwards,  you  breathed  a  desire  for 
his,  forgiveness — and  acceptance. 

The  breaking  out  of  a  stifled  resentment  is 
generally  like  the  springing  of  a  cork  from  a 
bottle  of  porter — it  is  sudden,  and  the  whole 
contents  come  foaming  after  it.  This,  you 
know,  is  the  accusation  made  against  you ;  but 
with  whatever  degree  of  malice  this  accusation 
may  be  made,  you  can  render  it  harmless  as  the 
viper,  which  hung  for  a  moment  on  the  hand  of 
Paul.  I  think,  with  Seneca,  that  "  a  wise  man 
is  out  of  the  reach  of  fortune,  but  not  free  from 
the  malice  of  it ;  and  all  attempts  upon  him  are 
no  more  than  the  arrows  of  Xerxes ;  they  may 
darken  the  day,  but  they  cannot  strike  the  sun. 
There  is  nothing  so  holy,  as  to  be  privileged 
against  sacrilege.  But,  to  strike  and  not  to 
wound,  is  anger  lost ;  and  he  is  invulnerable 
who  is  struck  and  not  hurt.  His  resolution  is 
tried ;  the  waves  may  dash  themselves  upon  a 
rock,  but  not  break  it  Temples  may  be  pro- 
faned and  demolished,  but  the  Deity  still  re- 
mains untouched." 


155 

Your  letters,  if  they  are  not  history,  they  are 
nearly  allied  to  history  ;  in  this  view  of  them, 
together  with  the  certainty  of  their  transmission 
to  future  times,  they  ought  not,  and  I  trust  they 
will  not  Tack,  nor  contain  any  thing  to  deprive 
them  of  an  association  with  the  memoirs  of  the 
Cardinal  de  Retz,  and  Duke  of  Sully,  described 
by  Blair,  as  the  only  works  of  this  kind,  which 
approach  to  the  usefulness  and  dignity  of  his- 
tory. 

I  have  read  your  last  letter  to  Perley.  It  is 
well  known  that  you  draughted  the  Constitution 
of  the  Commonwealth,  but  I  have  no  remem- 
brance of  your  making  before  a  public  confes- 
sion of  it.  Your  opinion  must  have  great  weight 
in  settling  any  point  of  controversy. 

If  you  have  seen  Ramsay's  Life  of  Washing- 
ton you  noticed  that  the  Biographer  glided  into 
the  errour  you  have  lately  exposed.  He  says : — 
"  No  sooner  had  the  United  States  armed,  than 
they  were  treated  with  respect,  and  an  indirect 
communication  was  made,  that  France  would 
accommodate  all  matters  in  dispute  on  reasona- 
ble terms  : — Mr.  Adams  embraced  these  over- 
tures." It  was  certainly  right  to  have  an  error 


156 

corrected  which  was  spreading  its  roots  through 
our  histories. 

With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  XLV. 

[This  letter  was  returned  by  Mr.  A's  positive 
request.  The  evidence  that  such  a  letter  was 
written,  is,  the  envelope,  superscribed  in  Mr. 
A's  hand  writing  and  bearing  his  frank  together 
with  the  mail  marks  of  the  Quincy  Post  Office. 
Its  contents  and  character  may  be  inferred  from 
the  allusions  and  quotations  in  Mr.  C's  answer? 
which  follows.]  Post  mark  Aug.  14,  1809. 


LETTER  XLVI. 

FITCHBURG,  August  18,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  last  mail  brought  me  your  fa- 
vour of  the  8th  of  July  with  a  postscript  of  the 
13th  inst.  Whether  you  had  received  my  let- 
ter of  the  9th  inst.  does  not  appear  by  your  fa- 


157 

vour.  You  request  the  return  of  the  letter,  to 
yourself  uncopied — you  will  find  it  inclosed, 
but  if  you  have  no  particular  reasons  to  the  con- 
trary, you  would  oblige  me  by  entrusting  it  to 
my  possession.  It  contains  many  things  which 
I  admire,  and  many  before  unknown  to  me* 

I  regret  that  my  suggestions  have  cut  out  so 
much  work  for  your  reflections ;  but,  you  will 
own,  that  when  you  asked  my  opinion,  I  was 
bound  in  the  fidelity  of  friendship  to  give  it  to 
you  freely  and  fully ;  and  it  is  a  satisfaction  to 
me,  that,  you  are  sensible  of  the  sincerity  of  my 
affection. 

The  thoughts  I  have  given  you  on  your  pub- 
lic Letters,  have  all  been  shaped  in  a  situation 
to  make  me  timid  of  their  soundness.  Feeling 
myself  restrained  from  the  right^  if  I  had  the  op- 
portunity, of  consulting  others,  I  have  sent  you 
my  opinions  direct  from  the  place  of  their  con- 
ception, without  a  swadling  cloth,  a  tunic,  or  a 
pin  from  any  other  hand.  It  is  not  common  that 
a  judgment  is  made  up  and  communicated  upon 
an  important  subject,  without  a  previous  inter- 
change of  thoughts,  or  without  examining  how 
it  comes  out  from  the  menstruum  of  other  men's 
minds. 


158 

The  motives  for  your  writing,  as  you  untold 
them  to  me,  are  deserving  of  all  regard — "  To 
abash  the  guilty — to  humble  the  insolent — to 
expose  the  nakedness  of  folly,  and  to  strip  the 
mask  from  the  visage  of  knavery,"  are  subjects 
rising  in  importance  above  every  other,  in  a 
pure  Republic. 

After  I  had  noticed  in  some  of  your  public- 
Letters,  some  reflections  upon  the  Senate,  I  re- 
viewed the  reasons  for  its  institution ;  and  have 
collated  the  thoughts  of  many  civilians  upon 
such  a  branch  in  Government,  particularly  Sir 
William  Blackstone's.  According  to  your  letter 
now  before  me,  you  consider  the  country  re- 
duced, by  the  Senate,  to  the  condition  of  the 
Kilshonites,  who  were  anathematized  for  the 
refusal  of  their  help.  I  may  coincide  with 
you  on  this  subject,  but  the  contrary  opinion 
was  too  deliberately  imbibed  to  be  inconside- 
rately abandoned.  If  it  be  a  "  Fortress  of  ex- 
clusive party,"  and  a  "  Barrier  against  modera- 
tion and  impartiality,"  (and  experience  is  your 
lecturer,  while  reason  only  is  mine)  may  you 
not  be  an  unheeded  Capys,  nor  an  unsuccess- 
ful Laocoon,  when  you  warn  of  its  dangers,  and 
when  you  smite  its  sides. 


159 

Of  the  prostitution  of  power  to  the  brutal 
purposes  of  sensual  gratification,  we  know,  to 
the  disgrace  of  our  nature,  of  too  many  instances. 
Such  gross  declension  is  more  shocking  among 
an  infant  people,  than  among  nations  grey  in 
crime  ;  as  vice  is  more  odious  in  a  youth  than 
in  a  hardened  sinner.  In  this  view,  I  think  it 
most  lamentable,  that  in  your  opinion  "the  pan- 
egyrical orations  of  Jlmes  and  Otis — and  the 
"  Funeral  made  by  the  bankers  in  Boston"  for 
Hamilton,  exceeded  in  atrocity  and  impiety, 
the  King's  brothel  of  Bel  view,  and  the  Adonian 
Temple  of  Madame  Du  Barry. 

You  say, "  I  know  not  the  history  of  this  man.''' 
I  certainly  do  not  if  your  portrait  shews  his 
lineaments. 

The  "infidelity  of  the  worst  kind,  propagated 
by  him  in  our  Army,  when  in  the  family  of 
Washington"  I  am  unacquainted  with. 

You  say  I  have  never  read  Hamilton's  pam- 
phlet, &c.  It  was  circulated,  at  first,  among  his 
confidential  friends,  one  of  whom,Judge  Bourne, 
lent  it  to  me  the  day  he  received  it. 

You  have,  indeed,  been  the  target  for  the 
poisoned  arrows  and  chewed  balls  of  malice. 


160 

envy,  and  revenge.  It  is  the  unfailing  lot  of  all 
greatness  to  be  so. 

In  answering  your  letter,  I  have  reserved  to 
the  last  the  concupiscence  of  Hamilton. 

Knowing  the  impetus  you  felt  when  speaking 
of  Hamilton,  I  have  been  fearful  whether  you 
would  not  get  into  too  hot  a  temper,  and  thus 
disease  your  rebukes  with  the  fever  of  animosi- 
ty. I  have  thought  that  you  would  have  been 
safer  to  have  followed  Plato,  and  to  have  said, 
"  Speusippus,  do  you  beat  that  fellow,  for  I  am 
angry."  But,  sir,  you  set  him  before  me  in 
new  and  horrid  odiousness.  Of  '•'•his  debauch- 
eries in  New- York  and  Philadelphia" — of  "his 
audacious  and  unblushing  attempts  upon  ladies 
of  the  highest  rank  and  purest  virtue" — of  "  the 
indignation  with  which  he  has  been  spurned" — 
and  of  "  the  inquietude  he  has  given  to  the  jirst 
families"  I  never  before  heard  a  word.  By  this 
he  was  infamous  as  Caligula,  when  he  told 
Asiaticus,  in  public,  what  kind  of  a  bed-fellow 
was  his  wife." — And  as  insolent  as  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  when  he  took  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
into  his  cabinet  embellished  with  the  portraits 
of  the  women  he  had  enjoyed,  among  which  the 


161 

picture  of  the  Dutchess  of  Burgundy  was  con- 
spicuously placed.  If  he  was  all  this  he  was 
abandoned  beyond  reclamation — Candor  and 
charity  must  be  dumb  in  his  excuse — Avouch, 
sir,  all  this  to  be  true,  and  I  shall  consider  my- 
self bound  by  all  my  duties  to  my  family,  to 
virtue,  to  my  country  and  to  heaven,  to  dress 
him  in  a  suit  from  the  devil's  wardrobe,  and 
hold  him  up  to  the  execration  of  mankind. 
Cato  valued  himself  on  his  integrity,  and  was,  it 
is  said,  addicted  to  intemperance;  but  the 
friends  of  Cato  prized  him  so  highly  for  his 
main  excellence,  that  they  looked  upon  his  oc- 
casional intoxication  with  indulgence.  Thus  I 
have  understood  it  of  Hamilton — he  set  the 
estimation  made  of  his  uprightness  against  that 
which  might  be  formed  from  the  confession  of 
his  lewdness,  and  he  determined  that  the  weight 
of  his  cardinal  virtues  would  preponderate  over 
every  defect,  and  forever  keep  that  scale  im- 
moveably  down.  But  could  he  think — would 
any  body  believe,  that  his  peculation,  if  true, 
as  insinuated  in  an  ephemeral  "  History  of  the 
United  States  for  the  year  1796,"  was  a  crime 

less  aggravated  than  the  robbery  of  virtue  of  its 
22 


162 

unbought,  invaluable  and  irredeemable  posses- 
sion? Vain  dependence  on  the  clemency  of 
mankind ! 

In  his  "  Remarks,  explanatory  of  his  conduct, 
motives  and  views,"  in  meeting  Burr,written  the 
day  before  the  interview — and  in  his  will,  he 
speaks  with  the  most  moving  tenderness  of  his 
"  Wife  and  Children."  In  his  last  hour,  accord- 
ing to  Dr.  Moore,  he  was  collected,  tranquil,  and 
resigned  as  Addison — If  there  had  ever  been 

a 1  should  be  confounded. 

With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 

N.  B.  There  are  some  parts  of  your  Letter 
unnoticed  in  my  answer.  I  had  not  time  to  ex- 
amine it  so  minutely  as  I  want  to — I  have  almost 
a  mind  to  detain  it  for  your  second  thoughts,  or 
until  I  write  again.  If  you  will  favour  me  with 
its  farther  use,  I  will,  if  you  should  wish  it,  send 
you  a  duplicate.  W.  C. 

LETTER  XL VII. 

[This  letter  was  returned  by  the  express  in- 
junctions of  Mr.  A.  Its  existence  and  contents 


163 

rest  upon  the  same  evidence  as  letter  45.    Post- 
mark Aug.  25,  1809.] 

LETTER  XL VIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Sept.  9,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

On  our  way  home  from  Quincy,  we 
were  detained  by  the  kindness  of  friends  until 
last  evening.  Of  the  pleasant  events  of  our  ex- 
cursion, none  are  recollected  with  more  delight 
than  the  attention  we  received  at  your  house, 
nor  have  I  to  express  my  obligations  to  any  but 
yourself,  for  any  part  of  the  secret  history  you 
orally  communicated.  Your  letter  of  the  22d 
ult.  I  received  with  the  seal  unviolated,  and 
agreeably  to  your  injunctions,  and  my  promise 
at  parting  with  you,  I  enclose  it. 

"Integrity,"  as  I  used  the  term  in  application  to 
Hamilton,  was  not  to  be  understood  in  the  com- 
mon acceptation.  In  that  acceptation  it  barely  ris- 
es to  a  virtue,  for  it  is  wholly  equivocal  whether 
it  be  the  effect  of  any  innate  goodness,  or  pro- 
duced by  the  restraints  of  law,  and  by  cal- 
culations of  advantage ;  considerations  which 
keep  many  knaves  from  the  crimes  of  theft,  rob- 
bery, &c.  and  which  give  to  such  a  suspicious 


164 

anxiety  to  shine  in  the  varnish  of  an  opposite 
reputation.  Of  all  the  qualities  of  a  virtuous 
soul,  pure  integrity  is  the  brightest — it  takes  no 
counsel  from  human  law,  nor  from  even  the 
common  propensities  of  our  nature  ;  the  perfec- 
tion from  which  it  emanated,  is  its  sole  example 
and  security — of  this  divine  virtue,  you  have 
shewn  me  that  Hamilton  was  totally  destitute. 

His  Religion,  as  has  been  the  case  with  thou- 
sands, might  have  been  accommodated  to  polit- 
ical changes — I  thank  you  for  pointing  me  to 
the  winding  in  the  labyrinth  from  which  his  os- 
tentation of  religion  sprang.  Of  his  lubricity, 
what  on  odious  picture  you  have  drawn  ?  Oh ! 
he  was  too  foul  for  "  ablution  by  all  the  waters 
of  Zemzem."  I  have  not  time  and  am  too  much 
fatigued  to  say  more. 

You  propose  to  give  me  an  account  of  "  his 
talents  and  services  in  another  letter."  I  wish 
to  see  a  connected  chain  of  these  services,  and 
their  magnitude  ;  since  it  has  been  announced 
by  Coleman  that  years  are  to  be  occupied  by 
some  best  gifted  genius  in  penning  his  life. 
With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


165 
LETTER  XLIX. 

FITCHBURG,  Sept.  23,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

My  letter  of  the  9th  inst.  had  an  en- 
closure, which  it  is  so  interesting  to  myself,  as 
well  as  you,  that  it  should  get  to  your  posses- 
sion, that  I  cannot  suppress  my  solicitude  to  be 
advised  of  its  safe  reception. 

The  present  covers  the  last  National  ^gis,  in 
which  you  will  find  your  juvenile  letter  to  your 
friend  Webb,  which  I  have  caused  to  be  insert- 
ed in  that  paper  according  to  your  intimations 
on  the  first  of  the  month. 

If,  in  the  introduction,  I  have  not  mounted  to 
your  just  encomium,  I  have  some  refuge  against 
mortification,  in  the  knowledge,  that  a  perfect 
delineation  of  greatness  can  be  the  work  of  none 
but  a  master's  hand — and,  I  have  more  than  this 
refuge  in  the  consciousness  of  a  disposition  to 
lift  you  to  your  just  grade. 

I  capitalized  the  prophetic  parts  of  the  letter, 
which  have  been  fulfilled;  and  italicized  the 
Latin,  neither  of  which  were  done  in  the  An- 
thology. But  with  all  my  care,  the  Printer* 
disregarded  the  Latin  word,  dira,  and  used,  as 


166 

the  Anthology  had  done  before  them,  the  Eng- 
lish word  dire&nd.  direfully  it  looks — The  workfc 
of  an  author  are  so  frequently  garbled  at  the 
press,  and  his  feelings  disturbed  by  its  ortho- 
graphical inaccuracies,  that  even  the  case-men 
should  be  something  above  mechanicks. 

Three  days  of  this  week,  I  was  absent  on  a 
journey  to  Boston.  I  passed  some  hours  at  the 
Athenaeum,  and  at  the  office  of  its  founder,  with 
even  more  satisfaction  than  I  had  anticipated—- 
An enterprise  of  so  much  utility,  originating  in 
the  foresight  and  public  spirit  of  Mr.  Shaw,  and 
seconded  by  his  urbanity,  industry  and  exact- 
ness, cannot  fail  of  reaching  a  point  that  will 
give  him  an  immortality  of  renown. 
With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  L. 

QUINCY,  Sept.  27,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

Yesterday  I  received  your  favour; 
of  the  23d  and  had  before  in  its  season  received 


167 

that  of  the  9th  in  good  order,    its  enclosure 
vinviolated. 

My  boyish  letter  to  Dr.  Nathan  Webb  ap- 
peared with  more  propriety  in  a  Worcester  pa- 
per than  any  where  else.  It  is  demonstrative 
evidence  THAT  JOHN  ADAMS'  DECLARATION  OF  IN- 
DEPENDENCE WAS  ONE  AND  TWENTY  YEARS  OLDER 

THAN  THOMAS  JEFFERSON'S.     To  understand  my 
letter  it  is  necessary  to  have  lived  at  the  time 
when  it  was  written,  when  we  were  so  angry 
with  Great  Britain  for  misconducting  American 
affairs,  and  for  leaving  us  exposed  to  the  mur- 
ders and  depredations  of  French  and  Indians, 
that  from  my  heart  I  wished  we  were  indepen-  \ 
dent  of  her,  and  left  to  ourselves  to  take  care    j 
of  our  enemies,  or  perish  in  the*  struggle. 

I, presume  the  Latin  word  should  be  "dira" 
the  "  dreadful  things"  "  the  horrors"  of  war.— I 
remember  the  word  "dire,"  and  direful  and  dira 
were  very  fashionable  among  the  boys  in  Col- 
lege, out  of  which  I  had  just  before  migrated, 
but  enough  of  this  childish  business.  The 
thing  is  an  oddity,  that's  all.  You  have 
made  enough  and  more  than  enough  of  it,  in 
vour  introduction. 


168 

Mr.  Shaw's  Athenaeum  is  an  honour  to  Bos, 
ton,  to  Massachusetts  and  to  North  America, 
and  I  hope  no  Tory  Junto  will  be  able  to  de- 
prive him  of  the  honour  of  it.  Yet  he  and  his 
Athenaeum  are  too  much  under  their  thumbs. 
Poor  Democrats,  Republicans  and  still  poorer 
Americans,  are  at  the  feet  of  John  Bull  and  his 
Calves.  Matters  cannot  be  much  longer  minced. 
The  truth  must  out. 

With  regard,  &c. 

I  am  your  friend  and  relation, 
JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham,  Jr. 


LETTER  LI. 

FITCHBURG,  Oct.  17,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  27th  ult.  arrived 

when  I  was  at  Worcester,  attending  a  session 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  to  get  some  redress  for 
a  most  gross  and  injurious  fraud.  Immediately 
on  my  return,  I  set  out  for  Boston,  whence  I 
returned  last  evening.  These  jaunts  have  oc- 
casioned this  delay  in  the  acknowledgment  of 
your  letter. 


169 

"Poor  Democrats,  Republicans,  and  still 
poorer  Americans,  are,"  you  say,"  at  the  feet  of 
John  Bull  and  his  Calves"  Were  I  convinced 
of  this,  I  would,  as  you  have  done,  give  it  regis- 
try in  my  mind,  and  "  every  day  I'd  turn  the 
leaf  to  read  it" — and  like  you,  I  would  spare  no 
labour  to  "  strew  it  in  the  common  ear."  But  if 
the  apprehension  of  this  be  only  "the  strong  and 
swelling  evil  of  your  conception,"  then  should  I 
sorrow  at  seeing  its  currency  rendered  irresist- 
able  by  the  authority  of  your  august  name.  On 
so  trite  and  so  sharply  contested  a  subject,  the 
arguments  are  embodied  for  the  use  of  either 
side.  I  have  frequently  passed  them  in  review, 
and  although  it  is  evident  that  pride,  and  policy, 
and  the  insatiable  spirit  of  revenge,  can  operate 
on  Great  Britain  to  induce  her  to  attempt  an 
ascendancy  in  this  country,  yet  that  the  Feder- 
alists (the  calves  of  the  Bull)  are  estranged  from 
their  own  country  in  subserviency  to  the  views 
of  England,  is  an  idea,  in  my  present  opinion, 
every  way  inadmissible.  I  have  seen  too  much 
virtue,  too  much  intelligence,  and  too  much  pat- 
riotism employed  in  the  contrivance  and  in  the 

prosecution  of  the  Federal  plan,  to  take,  as  yet. 
23 


170 

So  ungrateful  an  impression.  As  a  corollary  to 
this  accusation,  the  Federalists  are  denominat- 
ed Monarchists.  But  Elliot,  who  wrote  after  he 
had  been  initiated  into  the  secrets  of  Democra- 
cy, says  in  his  tenth  letter,  "Monarchical  prin- 
ciples are  confined  to  a  few  individuals  in  our 
country,  and  among  those  individuals  may  be 
placed  some  of  our  most  ardent  Republicans." 
I  acquit  alike  the  Republicans  and  the  Federal- 
ists from  any  fondness  for  Monarchy,  though  I 
do  believe  that  this  system  will  be  engendered 
in  our  abuses  of  a  milder  form ;  and  when  it 
comes,  it  will  come  in  chastisement  of  our  neg- 
ligence, as  any  hateful  visitation,  which,  with 
due  precaution,  could  have  been  avoided. 

Every  party,  in  every  country,  have,  says 
Paley,  a  vocabulary  of  cant  phrases  and  un- 
meaning terms,  which  they  use  to  mislead  the 
multitude — What  a  pity,  that  so  fair  a  country 
should  be  rent  asunder  by  such  a  jargon,  and 
that  she  wants  the  knowledge  necessary  to  ena- 
ble her  to  repose  with  confidence  and  security, 
on  the  fundamental  and  scientific  principles 
which  can  alone  uphold  her  liberty  and  her 
peace  ?  In  one  of  your  letters  to  Kalkoen,  you 


171 

vindicated  your  countrymen  against  a  devotion 
to  persons — were  they  deserving  the  character 
you  gave  them  in  that  letter,  they  would  have, 
in  their  capacity,  a  better  safeguard  for  their 
liberties,  than  would  have  resulted  from  any 
stratagem  the  framers  of  their  constitution  could 
have  invented. 

It  is  owing  to  the  profound  respect  I  pay  to 
your  opinions,  that  I  am  put  to  a  pause  on  the 
question,  whether  the  influence  of  England  is 
so  extensive  and  deadly  as  you  imagine  ;  but  I 
should  be  unfit  for  the  examination ;  if  this  re- 
spect could  unsettle  the  independency  of  my 
own  judgment.  You  see  that  I  am  claiming  my 
share  of  the  applause  bestowed  by  you  on  all 
the  Americans  in  the  abovementioned  letter  to 
Kalkoen.  If  in  general,  an  independency  of 
thought  were  freely  indulged,  not  in  the  obstina- 
cy of  ignorance,  not  in  the  more  unmanageable 
inveteracy  of  party ,nor  in  the  disgusting  affecta- 
tion of  wisdom,  but  in  the  calmness  and  confi- 
dence of  a  good  intention,  and  of  plain  common 
sense,there  would  be  but  one  party  of  the  people. 
Such  was  your  conclusion*  when  you  addressed 


172 

the  Dutch  civilian.    But  the  misfortune  is,  that 
faction  fattens  on  the  soil  of  freedom,  like  the 
steed  turned  loose  in  clover,  and  is  the  more 
untractable  for  its  better  fare.  To  take  another 
comparison  :   Faction    buzzes    over   the  body 
which  gave  it  birth,  and  devours  it,  as  the  bees, 
according  to  Virgil's  story  of  their  production, 
fasten  on,  and  become  glued  with  the  vitiated 
juices   of  the   stag — and  after  the  manner  of 
these   bees,  in  another  stage  of  their  history, 
faction,  when  it  comes  to  its  own  strife,  settles 
it  with  a  king.     The  materials  of  such  a  faction 
constantly  exist  in  the  causes  of  government, 
but  it  is  systematized  and  put  in  motion,  either 
by  those  who  are 

"  So  weary  with  disasters,  so  tugg'd  with  fortune. 
That  they'd  set  their  life  on  any  chance 
To  mend  it,  or  be  rid  on't," 

or  by  those 

"  Whom  the  wild  blows  and  buffets  of  the  world 
Have  so  incens'd,  that  they're  reckless  what 
They  do." 

Vou  have  fully  and  forcibly  described  the  im- 
pulse by  which  the  heads  of  a  faction  are  hurried 
on,in  your  examination  of  Needham's  right  Con- 
stitution of  a  Commonwealth,  as  I  find  it  in  the 


173 

third  Vol.  of  your  defence  of  the  Constitutions  of 
the  United  States,  page  278,  London  edition. 
"  Continuation  of  power?  you  observe, "  in  the 
same  persons  and  families,  will  as  certainly  take 
place  in  a  simple  Democracy,  or  a  Democracy 
by  representation,  as  in  an  hereditary  aristocra- 
cy, or  monarchy — The  continuation  will  be  cer- 
tain, but  it  will  be  accomplished  by  corruption, 
which  is  worse  than  a  continuation  by  birth ; 
and  if  corruption  cannot  effect  the  continuation, 
sedition  and  rebellion  will  be  resorted  to  :  FOR  A 

DEGRADED,  DISAPPOINTED,  RICH  AND  ILLUSTRIOUS  FAM- 
ILY WOULD,  AT  ANY  TIME,  ANNIHILATE  HEAVEN  AND 
EARTH,  IF  IT  COULD,  RATHER  THAN  FAIL  OF  CARRYING 
ITS  POINT." 

In  a  sentence  which  follows,  you  suggest  a 
truth  which  would  overcome  in  the  great  bulk 
of  mankind,  every  obstacle  to  their  being 
slaves  of  a  chief,  rather  than  supporters  of  their 
country,  for  "  it  becomes,"  you  say,  "  more  pro- 
fitable and  respectable  too,  except  with  a  very 
few,  to  be  a  party  man  than  a  public  spirited 
one."  And  these  are  the  reasons  why  a  faction 
is  always  ostentatious,  and  why  men  grow  into 
consequence  who  are  of  no  greater  worth 


174 

than  Carr  and  Villiers, — and  which  make,  in- 
deed, braggarts  in  politics  of  men,  empty,  en- 
thusiastic, visionary  and  outrageous,  as  were 
Bell,  Maxfield  and  Nelson,  converts  to  the  Wes- 
leian  system  of  divinity — which  make  in  fine, 
imaginary  adepts  in  politics,  of  such  fairies  as 
"  Pease-blossom,  Cobweb,  Moth,  and  Mustard- 
seed." — 

"  Our  country  sinks  beneath  the  yoke  : 

It  weeps,  it  bleeds,  and  each  new  day  a  gash 

Is  added  to  her  wounds." 

If  these  cuts  of  misfortune  could  serve  us  like 
the  bite  of  Virgil's  Culex  on  the  Shepherd,  to 
warn  us  of  the  coming  serpent,  we  should  wake 
and  stand  on  our  defence.  But  it  will  not  be  so ; 
for  these  dangers  do  not  hiss  till  their  deleteri- 
ous powrer  has  unnerved  the  people  ;  but  they 
allure  like  the  Siren,  singing  till  the  moment  of 
destruction. 

Whether  I  am  right  or  wrong  in  the  view  I 
take  of  our  situation,  I  can  satisfy  myself  in  no 
other  way  than  by  retrospecting  our  history. 
To  give  you  this  review,  wrould  resemble  an  at- 
tempt to  enrich  an  alcove  with  an  imperfect 
copy  of  its  own  contents.  I  shall  therefore. 


175 

with  one  or  two  exceptions,  pass  it  over,  inter- 
mixing with  the  little  I  shall  recapitulate  such 
reflections  as  I  think  are  authorized  by  some 
acquaintance  with  the  progress  and  fate  of  em- 
pires. 

The  war  with  England  caused  much  political 
investigation ;  but  it  was  soon  perceived,  that 
our  most  popular  conclusions  were  rather  com- 
pliments to  the  overweening  vanity  of  all  scio- 
lists, than  resting  substantially  on  the  true  char- 
acter of  man,  and  on  the  sound  principles  in  the 
science  of  civil  government. 

Several  of  our  State  Constitutions  are  strong- 
ly marked  with  the  crudities  of  immature  reflec- 
tion. At  the  time  of  forming  the  National  con- 
stitution, we  had  all,  in  imagination,  become  Ly- 
curguses;  and  in  public  virtue  we  were  all  Catos. 
Yet  with  all  our  boasted  wisdom  and  virtue,  the 
instrument  proposed  to  our  consideration,for  ac- 
ceptance or  rejection,  did  but  just  escape  nega- 
tion; and  in  my  opinion,  the  exceptionable 
parts  were  the  most  necessary,  and,  of  course, 
the  most  faultless.  It  was  constructed  for  a 
wise  and  virtuous  people  ;  and  what  Anacharsis 
said  of  all  laws  when  applied  to  the  powerful. 


176 

might  be  safely  said  of  this  constitution,  that  it 
was  slender  as  a  spider's  web  for  the  govern- 
ment of  any  other  people  than  such  as  perform- 
ed more  than  half  the  work  of  government  by 
the  natural  tameness  of  their  tempers,  and  effi- 
cacy of  their  private  examples.  It  went  into 
operation  under  the  most  fortunate  auspices ; 
and  if  any  one  great  object  of  a  public  nature, 
more  than  another  in  which  he  was  engaged, 
engrossed  the  mind  of  Washington,  it  was  to 
give  it  such  on  outset  as  should  ensure  it  a  safe, 
an  unbiassed,  a  dignified  and  a  prosperous 
course ;  such  a  course  as  should  wring  from  its 
enemies  more  than  their  confession  of  its  suc- 
cess— their  own  undeviating  pursuit  of  it. 

Soon  after  the  coming  in  of  Mr.  Jefferson, 
I  saw  the  growing  mountain  of  our  greatness 
shake  by  the  turning  of  his  body ;  and  I  was 
satisfied  his  uneasiness  would  continue  till  he 
had  shattered  it  into  fragments.  These  fears 
were  strengthened  by  the  corresponding  alarms 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  communicate.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  pursue  the  steps  of  our  declen- 
sion any  lower — to  a  prophet  reclining  on  the 
page  of  history,  and  embracing  within  his  view 


177 

the  little  space  which  has  been  occupied  with 
our  experiment,  our  end  would  be  neither  a 
difficult  nor  a  distant  prospect.  The  same  his- 
tory which  authorizes  the  prediction  of  our 
close,  gives  the  lessons  by  which  all  we  have 
lost  might  be  regained  and  kept ;  but  they  will 
be  disregarded.  It  stands  before  me  visible, 
as  in  its  vicinity  is  the  aspiring  ^tna,  that  our 
country,  from  the  quantity  and  variety  of  its 
concealed  combustibles,  is  doomed  to  undergo 
as  violent  and  as  awful  convulsions,  as  those 
with  which  any  people  were  ever  cursed.  If 
these  calamities  are  not  to  be  averted,  the  only 
remaining  advantage  in  our  power,  is  to  procras- 
tinate their  coming. — To  mitigate  their  fury 
would  be  impracticable  ;  every  thing  will  be 
done  in  a  delirium  which  gathers  equal  ag- 
gravation from  all  attempts  to  assuage  it,  as 
from  the  most  angry  opposition.  In  the  con- 
templation of  these  calamities  by  the  true  lover 
of  his  country,  whether  he  view  them  as  near  or 
distant,  every  other  consideration  dwindles  in 
comparison  with  that  of  his  obligation  to  the 
Commonwealth :  and  he  only  can  be  the  real 

and  approved  friend  of  his  country,  who  comes 
24 


178 

to  her  altar  with  the  offering,  if  need  be,  of  his 
Isaac. 

If  government  be  a  combination  of  the 
whole  to  repress  the  outbreakings  of  the  disor- 
derly, yet,  with  those  who  are,  or  with  those 
who  have  been  high  in  authority,  this  very  gov- 
ernment may  be  besieged,  or  used  as  an  engine 
to  give  a  more  extended  and  a  more  pernicious 
influence  to  their  own  corruption.  Such,  if  to 
such  it  were  not  in  vain  to  moralize,  might  be 
told  that 

"  The  rarer  action  is 
In  virtue  than  in  vengeance." 

This  is  a  general  observation,  connected  with 
what  precedes. 

It  appears  by  the  last  gazettes,  that  peace  is 
likely  to  obtain  between  France  and  Austria. 
If  peace  be  now  desired  by  Buonaparte,  it  is 
because  the  harvest  of  war  is  gathered,  and  in 
the  autumn  of  his  Austrian  affairs,  the  seeds  can 
be  scattered  which,  concealed  under  a  winter's 
covering,  can  yet 'spread  their  roots,  draw  nutri- 
tion, and  soon  start  afresh  for  another  crop. — 

"  He  speaks  of  peace,  while  covert  enmity, 
Under  the  smile  of  safety,  wounds  the  world." 


179 

He  looks  with  a  more  angry  mein  upon  us, 
which  is  a  natural  consequence  of  his  growing 
might.  We  must  deal  with  him,  and  with  eve- 
ry other  aggressor,  in  something  stouter  than 
our  statutes,  which  are  like  the  ashes  of  a  burnt 
rope,  having  the  form  but  none  of  the  power  of 
the  cord. — One  of  these  strings  of  ashes  was 
blown  away  by  a  proclamation,  and  we  regard- 
ed the  scattered  dust  as  the  Egyptians  did  the 
falling  of  the  necta?,  when  they  thought  they 
could  go  abroad  in  safety — But  the  plague  re- 
turned. 

In  your  letter  to  the  printers  of  the  Patriot, 
which  was  published  last  Wednesday,  you  refer 
to  Judge  Dana,  as  the  only  person  living,  who 
can  explain  the  style  of  the  correspondence  be- 
tween yourself  and  Vergennes.  When  I  saw 
this  reference,  I  could  not  but  lament  that  you 
had  bestowed  so  many  encomiums  upon  the 
Judge  whenever  you  introduced  his  name.  I 
have  not  the  pleasure  of  a  personal  acquaint- 
ance with  Judge  Dana,  but  I  know  his  reputa- 
tion as  well  as  of  any  man  in  the  state,  and  I 
know  him  to  be  deserving  of  all  that  you  have 
said  of  him ;  but  as  you  appear  to  depend  upon 


180 

him  to  explain  some  passages  in  your  despatches 
which  have  been  made  interesting,  would  not 
his  representations  be  given  and  received  with 
more  satisfaction,  had  you  noticed  him  with 
less  attention  ?  I  beg  you  to  pardon  the  free- 
dom of  this  suggestion.  I  know  not  whether 
the  doubt  has  occurred  to  any  other  person, 
but  I  confess,  the  instant  I  read  the  reference 
it  sprung  into  my  mind. 

With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams, 

Quincy. 


LETTER  LII. 

QUINCY,  Oct.  23,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  thank  you  for  your  favour  of  the 
17th. — I  know  the  integrity,  talents  and  intel- 
ligence of  great  numbers  of  the  Federalists : 
and  have  no  doubt  of  the  good  intentions  of  the 
great  body  of  that  party  :  but  of  a  great  number 
of  their  leaders,  and  the  most  active  of  them 
especially,  I  have  no  better  opinion  than  I 


181 

have  of  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Republicans. 
By  their  writings  they  have  deceived  the  peo- 
ple into  an  affection  and  confidence  in  England, 
and  an  abhorrence  of  France ;  neither  of  which 
is  well  founded.  The  Funding  system  and 
Banking  systems  which  are  the  work  of  the 
Federalists,  have  introduced  more  corruption 
and  injustice,  for  what  I  know,  than  any  other 
cause. 

My  confidence  in  Mr.  Dana  during  the  whole 
time  we  lived  and  acted  together  in  Europe, 
ought  not  to  have  been  concealed.  I  know 
that  if  he  transmits  to  posterity  any  relation  of 
the  controversy  between  the  Count  De  Ver- 
gennes  and  me,  it  must  be  founded  on  the  let- 
ters that  passed  between  us,  which  I  possess 
as  well  as  he.  I  can  transmit  it  myself,  if  I  should 
live  :  but  as  I  care  little  about  it,  and  it  is  not  like- 
ly I  shall  live  long  enough  to  go  through  the  plan 
I  have  in  view,  I  shall  probably  leave  it  among 
a  number  of  manuscript  volumes,  to  be  con- 
cealed forever  from  the  public  eye,  or  scatter- 
ed and  lost  like  the  papers  of  Mr.  Hancock  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams.  So  many  Federal  lies 
have  been  published  concerning  the  peace  of 


182 

1783,  that  I  was  determined  that  all  the  papers 
relative  to  that  transaction,  should  not  be  left 
for  chance  or  cunning  to  mutilate  or  mangle. 
With  great  regard, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 


LETTER  LIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Oct.  28,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the 
23d.  The  sentence  from  your  letter  of  the  27th 
ult.  which  made  the  theme  of  my  answer,  I 
understood  as  being  extended  to  the  whole  bo- 
dy of  the  Federalists.  Several  circumstances 
conspired  to  induce  me  to  make  of  it  an  unqual- 
ified application  to  that  party.  I  cannot,  and  it 
is  unnecessary  to  recite  them  all — two  or  three 
shall  suffice.  In  your  letter  to  the  printers  of 
the  Patriot  of  June  10th,  in  the  enumeration  of 
the  "  opposition  and  embarrassments  you  had 
to  overcome"  you  inserted — "from  that  large 
body  of  Americans  who  revere  the  English" 
In  the  review  of  the  works  of  Fisher  Ames,  by 


183 

my  friend  John  Q.  Adams,  I  saw  that  Ames  was 
considered  as  one  of  the  principals  of  such  a 
body — And  in  the  answer  of  Mr.  Jefferson  of 
the  3d  ult.  to  the  address  of  the  Republican 
Citizens  of  the  City  and  County  of  New- York, 
I  noticed  a  very  plain  insinuation  that  the  oppo- 
sition to  the  embargo,  and  its  supplementary 
measures,  was  induced  entirely  by  a  predilec- 
tion in  the  opposers  for  another  country  than 
their  own.  Laying  these  and  many  things  of 
the  same  complexion  together,  I  could  not  but 
regard  the  sentence  I  quoted  from  your  last 
letter  as  coming,  "  point  from  point  to  the  full 
arming  of  the  verity,"  that  our  country,  the 
land  of  proud  freemen,  was  become  in  great  ex- 
tent, but  pasturage  for  the  progeny  of  foreign 
kine. 

In  the  letter  on  my  table,  you  restrict  the 
appellation  of  Calves  of  John  Bull,  to  the 
Leaders  of  the  Federalists,  of  a  great  number 
of  whom  you  "  have  no  better  opinion  than  you 
have  of  some  of  the  Leaders  of  the  Republi- 
cans. "  By  which  I  understand,  that  we  have 
"  cockerels  that  crow  as  they  have  heard  the 
old  one,"  as  well  as  calves  that  roar  in  the  tone 


184 

of  the  great  Bull.     How  are  these  Leaders  dis- 
tinguished ?  This  Commonwealth,  and  I  learn 
it  is  so  in  other  states,  is  under  the  most  com- 
plete organization  of  party  against  party.  There 
is  on  each  side,  a  Central  Committee,  a  County 
Committee,  and  a  Town  Committee,  all  com- 
bined, as  a  chain  by  its  links,  of  which  the  first 
is  the  jar  that  gives  the  whole,  by  one  touch,  a 
shock.     Trace  these  links  up  to   this  first  and 
break  it  off,  and  the  breach,  like  the  division  of 
a  worm  would  not  only  heal,   while  crawling, 
but  would  immediately  put  out  more  length. 
And  this  system  of  "  a  wheel  within  a  wheel," 
is  so  contrived,  that  its  whole  energy  is  deriv- 
ed from  the  multiplicity  of  the    cogs  which 
keep  it  in  operation — officers  or  Leaders  are 
more  numerous  than  in  our  militia,  and  are  much 
better  fitted   for  service.     The  one  who  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  the  leader  of  the  Federal- 
ists, has  been  five  years  dead.     It  was  said,  that 
"  from  his  metal  was  his  party  steel'd,"  yet  there 
appears  to  be  no  lack  of  sagacity  nor  of  indus- 
try to  carry  on  the  system,  now  that  he  is  gone ; 
nor  does  it  fail,  notwithstanding  he  confessed 
himself  to  be  one  that  could  not  cool  his  iron  in 


185 

his  own  trough  ;  and  notwithstanding  you  have 
since  represented  him  as  "  without  bottom  in 
voluptuousness :"  so  bad  that, 

"  Our  wives,  our  daughters, 

Our  matrons,  and  our  maids,  could  not  fill  up 

The  cistern  of  his  lust,  and  his  desire 

All  continent  impediments  would  o'erbear 

That  did  oppose  his  will." 

With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  LIV. 

QUINCY,  Nov.  15,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  Oct. 
28th. — I  am  very  unexpectedly  involved  in  ocr 
cupations  and  correspondencies  very  dispropor- 
tioned  to  the  feeble  forces  remaining  to  a 
man  of  seventy-four,  and  which  make  it  impos- 
sible for  me  to  reply  to  the  various  important 
subjects  of  your  letter. 

With  usual  esteem,  your  friend 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 
25 


186 
LETTER  LV. 

FITCHBURG,  Nov.  18, 1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

Since  my  last  of  the  28th  ult.  I  have 
not  had  the  pleasure  to  hear  from  you.  I  lately 
received  some  information  concerning  you,which 
I  deem  it  a  duty  of  friendship  to  communicate. 
I  had  it  from  one  of  the  supreme  Junta  residing 
at  the  "  Head  quarters  of  good  principles."  It 
is  of  a  confidential  nature  though  no  secrecy 
was  imposed — and  is,  that  yourself  and  Mr. 
Gray  are  to  be  the  candidates  for  the  first  and 
second  offices  in  the  Commonwealth.  I  have 
no  doubt  but  you  will  find  that  "  a  bush  lim'd 
for  you."  The  information  was  probably  given 
to  me  with  a  view  to  obtain  my  opinion  wheth- 
er you  would  allow  yourself  to  be  a  candidate. 
I  have  not  given  an  opinion,  nor  could  I,  al- 
though acquainted  with  the  objections  you 
made  last  year  to  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams'  being  a 
candidate,  speak  any  other  way  than  hypothet- 
ically  upon  the  subject 

If  the  project  now  agitated  in  the  upper 

Chamber  of  the   Caucus,  by  those  who  keep 

'  the  body  and  the  limbs  of  this  great  sport  to- 


187 

gather,"  should  not  be  shoved  aside  by  any  new 
occurrence  in  the  rapid  versatility  of  events, 
you  may  depend  on  being  soon  sounded  on  this 
affair. 

The  sayings  and  doings  of  one  party,  seem 
to  be  to  the  other  but  "stuff  to  make  paradoxes." 
It  may  so  appear  in  this  case,  but  I  believe  the 
intention  is,  really,  if  possible,  to  tranquilize  the 
Commonwealth  by  some  greater  unanimity  in 
the  designation  of  the  first  Magistrate.  All  I 
can  say  to  yourself  about  it  is  what  Ulysses 
said  to  Agamemnon : — You  are  one  "  in  whom 
the  tempers  and  the  minds  of  all  should  be  shut 
up."  Could  this  confidence  be  effected  by  your 
presidency  over  the  counsels  of  the  Common- 
wealth, there  is  no  consideration  of  a  private 
nature  that  ought  to  get  the  ascendency  over 
your  obligations  to  your  country.  In  no  other 
view  could  I  suppose  your  election  auspicious 
to  your  peace  or  glory — in  any  other  you  would 
be  happier  as  Atticus  than  as  Cicero. 

I  think  there  is  some  pith  in  the  Letters  of 
Cobbett  to  the  King.  The  smuggled  system 
of  Internal  navigation  pursued  by  Buonaparte 
may,  if  unobstructed  in  its  prosecution,  prepare 


188 

a  torpedo  for  the  British  Navy.  Buonaparte 
has  as  much  valour  and  forty  times  the  pru- 
dence of  Anthony — He  will  let  others  "  go  a 
ducking,"  and  continue  the  plan  of  "  fighting 
foot  to  foot,"  until  he -can  reduce  his  enemy  to 
a  condition  that  he  will  not  fear  to  take  a 
chance  with  him  at  Actium  or  Salamis. 
With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 

Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  LVI. 

FITCHBURG,  Nov.  22,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the 
15th  inst.  It  is  no  more  than  I  expected,  that 
your  elucidations  of  the  great  transactions  in 
which  you  were  uninterruptedly  engaged 
through  the  different  periods  of  their  existence, 
and  in  the  making  of  which  you  have  repeated- 
ly had  occasion  to  make  personal  allusions, 
would  necessarily  lead  you  into  extensive  cor- 
respondencies. I  think  I  told  you  as  much  soon 
after  you  commenced  your  public  letters.  I 


189 

.,  really  hope  that  your  life,  and  health,  and 
vigour  will  be  continued  to  you  unimpaired  to 
carry  you  through,  and  many  years  beyond,  the 
completion  of  your  design.  I  shall  take  care 
not  to  interrupt  nor  retard  your  progress,  with 
my  speculations.  If  it  is  true  that  "  we  bring 
forth  weeds  when  our  quick  winds  lie  still," 
you  must  bear  abundantly  of  fruits,  turned  up 
so  thoroughly  as  you  are  to  ventilation — I  wish 
you  a  great  crop,  and  joy  of  the  harvest.  I 
know  it  would  be  unjust  to  yourself,  and  to 
your  family,  that  you  should  be  "  the  grave  of 
your  deserving."  I  have  hinted,  that  you  had 
better  leave  your  life  to  the  pen  of  some  Com- 
ines,  but  if  none  but  yourself  can  do  yourself 
justice, 

"  'Tvvere  a  concealment 

Worse  than  death,  no  less  than  a  traducenaent 

To  hide  your  doings." 

The  expression  in  your  letter  of  Sept.  27th, 
that  "  Poor  Democrats,"  £c.  "  are  at  the  feet  of 
John  Bull  and  his  Calves,"  I  should  have  let 
pass  without  objection,  had  I  not  thought  it 
more  chargeable  with  inconsistency  than  im- 
propriety. By  causing  your  letters  to  Kalkoen 


190 

to  form  a  part  of  your  present  communications 
to  the  public,  they  are,  I  think,  to  be  regarded 
as  containing  your  present  sentiments. 

A  subject  of  great  delicacy  I  have  thought  I 
would  take  the  liberty  to  mention.  It  is  no 
less  than  to  offer  you  some  advice  respecting 
your  treatment  of  Hamilton,  when  you  shall 
again  resume  the  consideration  of  his  conduct. 
It  is  a  transgression  of  a  rule  to  give  counsel 
unasked,  but  I  am  stimulated  beyond  subjection 
to  rules  by  what  was  suggested  to  me  by  your 
son,  when  I  was  at  Quincy.  He  s.aid  that  when 
you  entered  again  on  that  topic  "the  little"  (using 
some  harsh  epithet)  "  would  have  it,"  meaning, 
undoubtedly,  that  he  would  be  lashed  with  se- 
verity. But,  my  dear  sir,  if  you  mean  to  give 
weight  to  your  animadversions,  should  they  not 
be  stated  with  calmness  and  candour  ?  Let  it 
be  admitted  that  he  deserved  to  be  treated  as  a 
stigmatic — let  it  be  admitted  that  he  took  the 
example  of  Semiramis  for  proof  that  sensuality 
was  connected  with  talents  for  governing,  but 
recollected  from  the  same  example,  that  it  may 
be  the  associate  of  injustice  and  inhumanity — 
let  it  be  admitted,  that  the  marble  mausoleum 


191 

erected  to  his  memory  in  New-York,  should 
wear  nothing  but  the  indecent  figures  that  Se- 
sostris  ordered  to  be  sculptured  on  certain  pyr- 
amids— let  it  be  admitted  that  he  was  officious, 
assuming,  ambitious  and  a  libeller,  yet  injured 
as  you  feel  yourself,  what  point  can  you  possi- 
bly give  your  pen  beyond  a  very  candid  and 
unruffled  statement  of  such  facts  as  will  con- 
duct the  public  mind  to  a  just  determination  ? 
Such   a   determination    cannot   eventually   be 
avoided.     This  truth  should  be  your  consola- 
tion.    It  is  the  consolation  of  integrity,  and  the 
affliction  of  vice,  that  "  the  final  impartiality  of 
the  public"  will  appear  through  every  art  that 
can  be  employed  to  blacken  or  to   brighten. 
Pardon,  great  sir,  this  freedom — if  you  judge 
me  rude — judge  me  friendly.  "There  is  a  silence 
of  such  magnitude,  energy,  decision,  as  to  be 
singly  worth  a  whole  life  of  some  men." — I  did 
regret  that  you  broke  this  silence  with  regard  to 
the  person  in  view ;   but  as  I  have  no  right  to 
judge  until  I  shall  see  thejttiale,  I  shall  suspend 
my  conclusion,  and  I  hope  to  be  satisfied,  that 
in  breaking  it,  you  imparted  to  your  country- 
men the  coup  d1  ml,  enabling  them  distinctly 


192 

to  discern,  even  through  the  mists  of  party,  the 
abode  of  truth. 

With  veneration,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams, 

Quincy. 


LETTER  LVII. 

QUINCY,  Nov.  29,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  return  you  the  enclosed  letter,  ac- 
cording to  your  desire.  No  eye  but  mine  has 
seen  it,  and  no  copy  of  it,  or  any  part  of  it  has 
been  taken. 

Whatever  my  son  said  to  you,  he  said  it  by 
guess.  He  knows  nothing  of  my  plan.  You 
need  be  under  no  concern.  If  I  should  live  to 
make  mention  again  of  the  gentleman,  which  is 
not  very  probable,  I  shall  be  very  mild  with 
him. 

I  could  not  give  an  adequate  idea  of  my 
transactions  in  Holland  without  inserting  in  their 
place  the  letters  of  Dr.  Kalkoen.  The  publi- 
cation of  those,  or  any  other,  letters  of  mine 


193 

written  thirty  years  ago,  by  no  means  implies 
that  I  am  of  the  same  opinion  now.  Many 
things  that  I  then  thought  correct  may  not  ap- 
pear so  now,  original  documents  will  be  scan- 
ned by  historians. 

The  inconsistencies  you  mention  are  merely 
imaginary,  as  might  be  shewn  :  but  our  opinions 
differ  so  widely,  and  upon  so  many  points,  that 
the  discussion  would  require  more  time  than  I 
can  possibly  spare. 

I  have  received  another  letter  from  you,  con- 
taining a  hint  from  a  Junto  or  a  Junta  man.  Which 
Junta  he  belongs  to  you  do  not  say.  You  may 
easily  imagine  that  a  Republican  would  dress  up 
a  man  of  straw  to  divide  the  Federalists,  or  vice 
versa,  a  Federalist  would  evoke  a  ghost  to  di- 
vide the  Republicans,  But  this  is  too  ridiculous 
a  story  for  me  to  write  a  word  more  about  it 
I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  friend  and  humble  servant 
JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Cunningham. 

26 


194 
LETTER  LVIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  9,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  indebted  to  you  for  your  favour 
of  the  29th  ult. 

It  appears,  that  you  think  our  opinions  as 
opposite  "as  the  south  to  the  Septentrion."  I  am 
not  sensible  of  so  much  odds,  but  be  the  differ- 
ence what  it  may,  when  I  gave  you  my  im- 
pressions, I  was  bound  in  honour  to  be  indiffer- 
ent whether  they  would  carry  one  into  the 
southern  or  northern  region  of  your  opinion.  I 
well  know  that  no  favour  is  so  ungraciously  re- 
ceived as  the  pure  offering  of  friendship.  Aware 
of  this,  Shakspeare  has,  in  most  of  his  collo- 
quies where  the  severity  of  kindness  should  be 
displayed,  assigned  its  performance  to  the  Fool, 
from  whom  nothing  offends. 

You  inform  me  that  I  need  be  under  no  con- 
cern about  your  future  treatment  of  Hamil- 
ton. The  anxiety  I  have  felt  on  that  subject, 
has  not  been  on  his  account  As  it  respects 
him,  and  every  other  public  character,  living 
or  dead,  I  should  have  no  objection  to  having 


195 

the  casket  of  their  deserts  "  unpeg'd  upon  the 
house's  top." 

I  am  Sir,  your  most  obliged  friend, 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 

LETTER  LIX. 

FITCHBURG,  Dec.  29,  1809. 
Dear  Sir, 

When  I  wrote  to  you  of  the  9th  inst. 
I  did  not  expect  that  I  should  again  trouble  you ; 
nor  did  I  look  for  an  answer.  To  this  hour,  I 
can  very  truly  assure  you,  that  the  contents  of 
your  letters  are  unknown  to  any  human  being 
but  myself,  excepting  those  to  whom  they  were 
known  before  their  transmission  to  me.  But 
believing  that  you  are  overleaping  the  senti- 
ments you  used  to  embrace  and  inculcate,  in  the 
pursuit  of  some  new  design,  or  to  gratify  a 
resentment,  I  wish  myself  enlarged  from  your 
injunctions.  And  since  I  have  seen  and  exam- 
ined the  Message  of  Mr.  Madison  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  present  session  of  Congress,  and  the 
documents  accompanying  it,  I  can  hardly  per- 


196 

suade  myself,  that  my  obligations  to  you  are  par- 
amount to  those  which  I  owe  my  country. 

I  will  shew  you,  in  a  very  brief  analysis  of 
your  letters,  wherein  their  disclosure  would  sub- 
serve the  great  purpose  of  overcoming  the  pre- 
judices against  one  country,  and  of  the  partiali- 
ties to  another,  which  have  already  exhausted . 
our  treasury,  enfeebled  us  to  a  condition  that 
we  are  become  the  very  sport  of  the  nation  we 
would  befriend — the  contempt  of  the  one  we 
would  injure,  and  which  are  about  to  ingulph  us 
in  an  unjustifiable  and  a  devouring  war.  The 
candour  which  would  forbear  this  censure  any 
longer,  is  itself  censurable. 

It  appears  by  your  Letters  to  me  in  the  years 
1803  and  1804  that  you  declared  yourself  in 
possession  of  certain  facts  concerning  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson which,  for  the  reasons  you  assigned, 
you  were  averse  to  communicating  by  Let- 
ter— That  you  encouraged  me  to  arraign,  "at 
the  Bar  of  Reason,"  the  Administration  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  censured  the  Federalists  for  their 
inactivity.  That  you  very  intelligently  hinted, 
that  you  could  verbally  supply  me  with  some 
materials  for  the  manufacture  of  strictures — 


197 

And  that  you  very  seriously  declared  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  that  he  was  under  the  government  of 
the  two  most  unfriendly  passions  to  the  liber- 
ties of  a  people,  that  can  possibly  reign  in  the 
bosom  of  a  magistrate — "  A  MEAN  THIRST  OF  POP- 
ULARITY, AND  AN  INORDINATE  AMBITION."  What,  sir, 

but  avariciousness  of  popularity,  and  insatiable 
ambition,  have  been  the  causes  of  all  the  tyran- 
ny with  which  the  world  has  been  cursed  ?  It 
will  farther  appear  by  your  Letters,  that  so  re- 
cently as  September  1808,  you  passed  judg- 
ment decidedly  against  much,  nay  against  the 
most,  of  the  management  during  the  Jeffersonian 
dynasty.  And  it  appears  that  subsequently  to 
the  last  date,  and  after  you  had  thrown  off  your 
aversion  to  an  appearance  on  the  public  stage, 
you  exonerated  Mr.  Jefferson,  directly  or  vir- 
tually, of  every  allegation  which  had  been  pre- 
ferred against  him.  Besides  these  things,  the 
Letters  first  mentioned  contain  much  anti-dem- 
ocratical  doctrine.  And  your  Letter  of  the  22d 
June,  contains  a  most  unfortunate  confession. 
You  therein  say,  that  your "  Daughter-in-law, 
on  a  particular  occasion,  exclaimed,  "  I  know 
sir,  that  your  two  sons  are  very  much  delighted 


198 

that  you  have  taken  the  subject  up" — "  This" 
you  add,  "  I  knew  as  well  as  she  did."  This  con- 
fession is  unfortunate,  insomuch  as  it  broadens 
the  ground  for  the  suspicion  of  an  ascendency 
of  you  by  your  sons,  which  stood  on  the  public 
conduct  of  the  eldest  of  them.  It  is  not  absent 
from  me,  that  you  lately  told  me  that  your  son 
now  with  you,  knows  nothing  of  your  plan,  but 
surely  he  will  not  think  himself  complimented 
by  an  assurance,  that  he  is  much  delighted  with 
what  he  knows  nothing  of.  Neither  his  filial 
affection,  nor  his  confidence  in  you,  can  deserve 
a  compliment  of  this  extent. 

I  agree  with  Burke,  "  that  no  government 
ever  yet  perished  from  any  other  direct  cause 
than  its  own  weakness."  And  I  agree  with  you, 
where  you  say,  in  your  "  Defence  of  the  Consti- 
tutions of  the  United  States," — "  It  has  been  the 
common  people,  and  not  the  gentlemen,  who 
have  established  simple  monarchies  all  over 
the  world.  The  common  people,  against  the 
gentlemen,  established  a  simple  monarchy  in 
Caesar  at  Rome,  in  the  Medici  at  Florence,  and 
are  now  in  danger  of  doing  the  same  thing  in 
JHolland."  They  have  done  it.  And  are  they 


199 

not  in  danger  of  doing  the  same  thing  in  Amer- 
ica ?  An  excellent  writer  you  observed  in  the 
"  Defence,"  "  said,  somewhat  incautiously,  that 
people  will  never  oppress  themselves,  or  invade 
their  own  rights."    "This   compliment,"  say 
you,  "  if  applied  to  human  nature,  or  to   man- 
kind, or  to  any  nation  or  people  in  being  or  in 
memory,  is  more  than  has  been  merited — If  it 
should  be  admitted,  that  a  people  will  not  unani- 
mously agree  to  oppress   themselves,  it  is  as 
much  as  is  ever,  and  more  than  is  always  true." 
Now  sir,  with  letters  of  the  complexion  I  have 
mentioned,  and  with  such  concessions,  the  full- 
est ever  made,  of  the  fickleness  of  the  multitude, 
added   to  the  peculiar  circumstances   of  the 
times,  I  appeal  to  you  as  to  a  Patriot,and  demand 
what  shall  I  do  ?  Since  the  appearance  of  the 
Message,  and  Documents,  I  have  turned  this 
question  over  and  over  in  my  mind.     I  have  ex- 
amined every  side  and  each  end  of  it — When 
patriotism   gives  me  counsel,  it  is  difficult  to 
find  enough  in  my  affection  for  you  to  dissuade 
me  against  its  importunity — When   I   consult 
the  claim  of  affection,  I  think  on  those  who  have 
sacrificed  their  Children  for  their  Country.  Are 


200 

we  more  under  the  calves  of  John  Bull  thau 
when  George  Washington  was  President, 
John  Adams,  Vice-President,  and  John  Jay, 
Chief  Justice  ?  Are  we,  suffer  me  with  all  plain- 
ness to  ask,  are  we  nearly  so  much  under  that 
calfish  influence  as  when  you  yourself  was 
President  ?  I  build  this  enquiry  on  the  argu- 
ments which  you  repeatedly  and  publicly  em- 
ployed, not  only  to  overthrow  the  prejudice  ex- 
isting against  Great  Britain,  but  to  shew  that 
she  would  not  receive  our  voluntary  submission. 
Who,  yourself  excepted,  ever  went  so  far  as 
this?  Will  you  contend  that  what  you  have 
said,  on  this  subject,  to  public  bodies  which  ad- 
dressed you,  and  what  on  the  same  subject  you 
have  said  to  me,  are  imaginary  contradictions  ? 
I  think  it  important  to  the  public  security,  that 
they  should  have  before  them  all  the  means 
which  can  enable  them  to  determine  whether 
there  is  not  "  an  unnoble  swerving."  Should 
they  perceive  that  there  is,  the  errours  you  are 
disseminating  may  be  prevented  from  finding 
root  in  a  too  easy  credulity,  or  in  the  profound 
respect  which  has  been  imbibed  for  your  name. 
And  Manlius  will  be  roused  before  the  city  shall 


201 

be  taken.  There  are,  in  your  letters,  many 
things  of  a  jocose,  of  a  serious,  and  of  a  very 
delicate  nature,  which  I  have  no  wish,  nor  any 
warrantable  cause  to  let  loose  from  confinement. 
But  in  addition  to  reasons  of  a  public  nature, 
for  wishing  enlargement  to  some  of  the  matter 
entrusted  to  my  keeping,  I  have  private  rea- 
sons : — I  do  not  know  that  I  have  an  opinion  on 
any  political  subject  unsupported  by  your  au- 
thority. I  remember  that  in  the  year  1774  or 
5,  you  made  a  visit  to  my  Father's.  I  was  then 
a  small  boy,  but  I  have  as  strong  a  remem- 
brance as  if  it  was  but  yesterday,  that  I  regard- 
ed with  particular  attention,  the  bag  in  which 
your  hair  was  tied;  and  that  it  assisted  to 
heighten  my  conception  of  your  greatness.  The 
bent  of  these  conceptions  I  have  followed  from 
that  time  to  this,  and  it  would  be  an  endless 
labour  to  recite  the  sentiments,  written  and  oral, 
of  yours,  upon  which  most  of  my  political  spec- 
ulations have  been  founded.  I  cannot  omit  the 
mention  of  an  instance  which  strikingly  con- 
firms how  well  you  thought  I  had  profited  by 
your  instructions  : — Entering  your  room  in  the 

year  1804,  you  accosted  me  Hume,  and  attribut- 

27 


'202 

ed  to  me  the  pieces  which  at  that  time  appeared 
with  that  signature.  I  could  not  permit  myself 
to  enjoy  the  felicity  of  being  supposed  by  you  the 
writer  of  those  numbers— you  then  extolled  their 
contents,  and  pronounced  them  worthy  a  death- 
less meed.  It  is  an  inexplicable  enigma,  that  you 
should  have  spoken  as  you  did  then,  and  write 
as  you  do  now.  Am  I  wrong,  that  I  retain  the 
opinions  which  were  common  to  us  both,  or 
you  in  departing  from  them  ?  But  yet  farther 
the  retention  by  me  exposes  me  to  the  unplea- 
sant consequences  of  your  disapprobation — this 
I  feel  as  a  cruelty.  I  cannot  now  enjoy  your 
smiles  without  sacrificing  my  sentiments,  and 
of  this  fact,  of  which  I  presume  you  are  insen- 
sible, I  will  give  you  an  admonitory  example : — 
From  an  intimation  that  it  would  be  agreeable 
to  you  to  have  your  letter  to  Dr.  Webb  pub- 
lished in  a  Worcester  Paper,  I  caused  it  to  be 
there  printed,  with  an  introduction  which  I 
penned  in  the  full  flow  of  esteem.  The  letter, 
which  you  returned  me  in  answer  to  the  one 
in  which  I  transmitted  you  the  printed  letter  to 
Dr.  Webb,  is  the  only  letter  couched  in  the 
spirit  of  a  genuine  cordiality,  which  you  have 


203 

written  to  me  since,  by  your  desire,  I  criticised 
your  public  letters — The  admonition  from  this 
fact,  you  may  take  from  one  of  the  charges 
made  against  you  by  your  great  accuser.  But 
the  business  with  which  you  tasked  me  respect- 
ing your  public  letters,  had  no  connexion  with 
your  panegyric — it  lay  altogether  in  the  shades. 
I  knew  its  performance  was  difficult,  for  I  had 
not  forgotten  the  speech  of  Symmachus  to  the 
Imperial  Court ;  but  I  expected  a  generous  re- 
ception of  what  you  had  solicited,  though  I  did 
not  look  for  such  remuneration  as  Henry  IV. 
made  to  Sully  when,  in  the  transports  of  zeal 
for  his  master's  honour,  Sully  rent  in  pieces  the 
marriage  articles  which  Henry  had  shamefully 
entered  into  with  Henrietta  d1  Entragues ;  and 
when  he  intimated  that  his  master  was  a  fool  for 
having  signed  them.  My  comments  were  so  evi- 
dently disagreeable  to  you  that  I  discontinued 
them.  In  my  letter  of  June  30th,  which  was 
the  second  I  addressed  to  you  after  I  received 
your  enquiry,  "  Whether  and  wherein  you  had 
exposed  yourself?"  I  proposed  to  suspend 
my  remarks  till  I  should  receive  some  signifi- 
cation of  your  wish  to  have  them  continued — 


204 

the  request  never  was  renewed.     I  did  after- 
wards, however,  notice  one   or  two   things. — 
And  now  that  I  think  of  it,  I  say  a  word  or  two 
about  Col.  Pickering.     In  one  of  your  public 
letters,  you  gave  an  account  of  an  interview  be- 
tween yourself  and  one  of  the  Heads  of  Depart- 
ments,  at  which   you  attempted   to   pacify  a 
dislike  of  your  proceedings,  which  was  unex- 
pectedly manifested  by  a  tender  of  resignation — 
with  begging  that  none  of  the  Heads  of  Depart- 
ments would  think  of  resigning — that  you  was 
perfectly  satisfied,  &c.     Now  in  two  or  more 
of  your  letters  to  me,  you  assert  or  insinuate, 
that  Pickering  was  unfit  on  the  score  of  capaci- 
ty, for  Secretary  of  State,  and  that  fact,  you 
say  or  insinuate,  was  known  to  some  few  in  the 
nation  who  had  "  winnowed  him  with  a  rough 
wind."     Sucn   being   your   impression,  at   the 
time  of  the  interview,  was  there  no  impropriety 
in  your  answer  to  the  Secretary  ?  I  pretend  not 
to  know  what  the  talents  of  Col.  Pickering  real- 
ly are,  but  a  certain   Report  of  his,  which  I 
could  not  believe  to  have  been  penned  by  him. 
if  destitute  as  you  had  described  him,  I  ques- 
tioned you   about,  but  you  never  satisfied  me 


205 

whether  he  was  assisted  in  its  composition,  al- 
though you  have  ascribed  to  him  the  production 
of  Washington's  Address  to  Adet.  I  received 
your  statements  concerning  him  as  correct,  and 
answered  you  accordingly. 

I  made  you  a  visit  in  the  year  1792  in  com- 
pany with  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams.     The  floor  of 
the  room  in  which  the  company  sat,  was  cover- 
ed with  a  new  painted  canvass.     The  figures 
arrested   attention,  and  it  was  concluded  that 
the  painting  represented  the  street  of  some 
ancient  city.     Assenting  with  the  rest,  to  this, 
you    remarked,  that  the  city  which  had  such 
streets  was  not  under  the  government  of  Se- 
lectmen ;  from  which  I  drew  the  inference,  that 
in  your  opinion,  the  objects  of  legislation,  even 
within  the  limited  circle  of  municipal  authority 
could  not  be  brought  to  any  approach  to  per- 
fection, without  energy  and  order — How  much 
more  is  an  energetic  regulation  necessary  to  the 
attainment  by  a  nation  of  all  the  advantages  of 
civil  rule  ? 

I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JH. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


206 
LETTER  LX. 

FITCHBURG,  Jan.  15, 1B1O. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  without  an  answer  to  my  last 
of  the  29th  ult  in  which  I  observed,  that  a  con- 
fession respecting  your  sons,  made  in  your  let- 
ter of  the  22d  of  June,  was  unlucky,  but  I  re- 
served for  another  letter,  the  principal  fact,  and 
the  reflections  upon  it,  which  give  that  aspect 
to  the  acknowledgment  alluded  to. 

If  you  will  review  the  letter  of  the  8th  of 
July,  but  which  you  detained  in  your  own 
hands  on  account  of  its  virulence,  till  the  13th 
of  August,  and  then  forwarded  to  me  with  di- 
rections to  return  it,  you  will  find  the  following 
sentence : — "  I  should  have  gone  to  my  grave 
without  writing  a  word,  if  the  very  system  of 
Hamilton,  a  war  with  France,  had  not  been  re- 
vived, and  apparently  adopted  by  a  majority  of 
New-England.  The  British  faction,  and  the 
old  tories,  appeared  to  have  disciplined  the 
Federalists  to  a  system  which  appeared  to  me 
fundamentally  wrong,  and  I  determined  to  op- 
pose it."  By  this,  sir,  it  appears  most  evidently, 
that  instead  of  coming  before  the  public  to 


207 

make  your  defence,  you  have  entered  the  arena 
of  political  controversy,  with  a  view  to  prevent 
the  success  of  one  party,  and  to  make  the  other 
predominant.  In  ordinary  cases,  we  except 
motives,  and  answer  arguments,  but  in  this  case 
it  is  material  to  shew,  that  you  have  sacrificed 
to  your  passions.  This  I  can  shew  by  your  own 
concessions. 

In  my  answer  to  the  letter  from  which  the  sen- 
tence above  is  extracted,  I  said — "  it  contained 
many  things  which  I  admired,  and  many  before 
unknown  to  me."  I  might  have  admired  the  seven 
lines  of  original  poetry  in  which  you  compress- 
ed the  plan  you  are  now  executing  in  your  pub- 
lic letters.  But  is  there  in  these  lines,  the  least 
glimpse  of  your  being  actuated  in  the  composi- 
tion of  these  letters  by  a  sense  of  obligation  to 
yourself  against  any  injustice  done  you  by  Gen. 
Hamilton  ?  No,  sir,  not  a  shadow  of  it — your 
objects  in  these  letters,  as  you  revealed  them  to 
me  in  those  sprigs  of"  the  Parnassian  Mount, 
(and  they  appear  as  if  intended  to  describe  your 
whole  design,)  are  all  of  another  sort — they  are- 
slips  engrafted  on  the  stock  of  your  hatred  of 
Hamilton,  and  bear  the  same  natural  affinity  to 


208 

your  object  in  your  public  writings,  as  you  dis- 
closed in  it  the  above-recited  passage  from  your 
letter  of  the  8th  of  July,  as  despoiling  is  allied 
to  the  Agrarian  Law. 

As  to  what  was  before  unknown  to  me  in  the 
letter  last  mentioned,  it  was  nearly  all  so,  as  is 
plain  from  some  recapitulations  from  it  in  my 
answer. 

The  passage  recited  from  your  letter  of  the 
8th  of  Jul}r,  is  the  most  extraordinary  confes- 
sion of  all,  and  is  so  intimately  connected  with 
the  confession  in  the  letter  of  the  22d  of  June, 
and  in  the  letter  of  Sept.  27th,  that  they  are  es- 
sentially depending  one  upon  another.  The  bud 
which  put  out  in  the  letter  of  the  22d  of  June, 
dilated  in  the  letter  of  the  8th  of  July,  and  fully 
expanded  in  the  letter  of  Sept.  27th — This  is 
the  progress  to  maturity : — 

"  My  sons  were  very  much  delighted  I  had 
taken  the  subject  up."" 

"  /  should  have  gone"  to  my  grave,  without 
p  writing  a  word,  if  the  very  system  of  Hamilton, 
a  war  with  France,  had  not  been  revived  and 
apparently  adopted." 

"  Poor    Democrats,  Republicans,  and    still 


209 

poorer  .Americans,  are  at  the  feet  of  John  Bull 
and  his  calves ;  matters  cannot  be  much  longer 
minced,  the  truth  must  out" 

Why  were  your  sons  delighted  that  you  had 
taken  the  subject  up  ? 

When  I  read  the  passage  recited  from  the 
July  letter,  my  attention  and  astonishment  were 
equally  enchained ;  but  as  the  measures  of  the 
Federalists,  which  appeared  to  you  to  have  a 
warlike  countenance  against  friendly  France ; 
and  which  had  brought  you,  according  to  your 
letter,  from  your  sequestered  abode  into  the 
field  of  controversy,  had  subsided  by  an  accom- 
modation with  England,  my  alarm  abated,  and 
was  soon  lost  in  a  supposition,  that  you  felt 
yourself  obliged  to  fill  up  the  outline  of  your 
plan  as  you  had  presented  it  to  the  public,  and 
that  you  would  move  slowly  on  after  the  winds 
had  ceased,  by  the  impetus  given  you  by  the 
first  gusts.  According  to  this  outline,  the  pub- 
lic understand,  that  your  present  undertaking 
is  to  vindicate  yourself  against  certain  asper- 
sions, which  you  consider  unfounded  in  Gen. 
Hamilton's  letter — but  by  the  declarations  made 

to  me  in  two  passages  in  your  letter  of  July, 
28 


210 

your  design  is  very  different ;  and  if  it  is  not 
undeniably  true  that,  under  the  semblance  of 
a  personal  vindication,  your  design  is  nothing 
less  than  to  baffle  and  defeat  the  measures  you 
once  advocated  and  supported.  I  may,  without 
fear  of  contradiction,  assert,  that  it  is  to  give 
more  power  and  more  extensive  adoption,  to  the 
prejudices  you  once  reviled  and  condemned ! 
Through  whose  instigation,  or  by  what  excite- 
ment, is  this  reverse  of  conduct  ?  To  say  it  has 
been  effected  by  a  change  of  circumstances,  is 
too  palpably  unfounded  to  be  pretended.     You 
do  indeed,  follow  the  above  recited  passage, 
with   some    swelling  on  your   own  ill  treat- 
ment, but  the  personal  complaints  are  evident- 
ly used  in  the  letter  as   if   intended  for  no- 
thing more  than  to  serve  you  with  a  conven- 
ient  apology  for  your  public  appearance.     If 
there  is  not  an  inconsistency  here,  and  an  incon- 
sistency at  the  expense  of  what  you  ought  most 
to  value,  there  is  a  mystery  in  great  manage- 
ment which  I  know  as  little  how  to  solve,  as  a 
boor  to  explain  a  problem  in  Euclid.  What  has 
the  prevalency  of  any  system  recommended  by 
Gen.  Hamilton  to  do  with  proving  your  pre- 


2U 

miership  in  the  negotiations  of  1783  ?  To  give 
this  proof,  is  the  publicly  avowed  object  of 
your  publications  in  the  Patriot. 

Suffer  me  with  seriousness  to  ask — Whether 
a  war,  for  which  we  made  great  preparation  in 
1798,  against  France,  and  which  you  have  said 
was  actually  waged,  was  not  as  much  in  accord- 
ance with  the  system  of  Hamilton,  as  the  oppo- 
sition measures  of  last  winter,  to  which  you 
have  alluded,  could  have  been  ?  Most  assuredly 
it  was.  And  what  part  did  you  take  in  1 798  ? 
Gen.  Hamilton  himself  said  in  your  praise,  that 
you  "took  upon  the  occasion,  a  manly  and 
courageous  lead — that  you  did  all  in  your  pow- 
er to  rouse  the  pride  of  the  nation — to  inspire  it 
with  a  just  sense  of  the  injuries  and  outrages 
which  it  had  experienced,  and  to  dispose  it  to  a 
firm  and  magnanimous  resistance  ;  and  that 
your  efforts  contributed  materially  to  the  end." 
You  may  possibly  object  that  this  does  not 
come  up  to  the  full  merit  of  your  exertions,  but 
you  will  not  say  that  it  outmeasures  them. 

In  an  answer  to  the  address  of  the  young  men 
of  New- York,  dated  May  1798,  you  say :— "I  as- 
sure you,  my  young  friends,  that  the  satisfac- 


212 

tioii  with  my  conduct  which  has  been  express- 
ed by  the  rising  generation,  has  been  one  of  the 
highest  gratifications  I  ever  received,  because 
I  can  sincerely  say,  that  their  happiness,  and 
that  of  their  posterity,  more  than  my  own,  or 
that  of  my  cotemporaries,  has  been  the  object 
of  the  studies  and  labours  of  my  life." — The 
same  sentiment,  with  more  expansion,  you  ex- 
pressed on  several  occasions.  Enlivening  the 
courage  of  the  young  men  of  Boston  with  en- 
comiums on  the  public  spirit  of  their  fathers, 
you  exclaim, — "To  arms!  my  young  friends, 
to  arms!" — And  in  another  answer  to  an  ad- 
dress, you  emulated  a  few  examples  in  histo- 
ry of  proud  and  generous  patriotism,  and  wish- 
ed the  opposers  of  the  measures  then  in  opera- 
tion, safely  within  the  lines  of  the  enemy.  Had 
you  been  in  your  last  hour,  the  young  men  of 
New- York  standing  around  you,  you  could  not 
have  addressed  them  with  more  solemnity,  nor 
apparently,  with  higher  satisfaction  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  your  sincerity.  And  what  were 
"  the  studies  and  labours  of  your  life,"  which 
you  then  considered  so  important  to  the  hap- 
piness of  future  generations  ?  Pray,  sir,  con- 


213 

sider  that  an  Omar,  nor  oblivion  are  yet  your 
friends. 

I  entreat  you  now,  to  turn  your  eye  to  one 
line  of  the  summary  given  of  your  character  by 
Hamilton  in  the  13th  page  of  his  letter — and  to 
a  trait  in  the  last  paragraph  of  the  19th  page, 
and  then  tell  me  with  your  hand  on  your  heart, 
whether  any  thing,  save  a  deep-rooted  antipa- 
thy to  Hamilton,  Pickering,  &c. — or  a  partiality 
to  some  others,  the  natural  consequence  of  that 
antipathy,  and  equally  unwarrantable,  can  ac- 
count for  your  opposite  appearance,  on  the  same 
question,  in  the  years  1798  and  1810  ?  Certain- 
ly the  same  question  in  respect  to  the  disposi- 
tion towards  us  of  England ;  and  the  same  with 
regard  to  France,  with  the  single  exception, 
that  England  is  in  the  same  transgression.  Tell 
me,  too,  whether  this  opposition  will  not  sink 
your  political  character — your  rectitude,  to  ir- 
redeemable perdition,  as  certainly  so,  as  the 
giving  way,  in  his  old  age,  to  his  resentments 
against  Demosthenes,  and  his  favouring  the 
views  of  the  enemy,  Nicanor,  in  disregard  of 
the  counsel  of  Dercyllus,  sunk  Phocion,  sur- 
named  for  his  early  devotion  to  his  country,  tlu 


214 

good  ?  Tell  me,  too,  whether  as  a  friend  to  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  my  country,  I  am  not 
bound  to  exhibit,  that  the  causes  of  this  oppo- 
sition are  such  as  ought  to  reduce  an  estima- 
tion of  your  professions  of  democratic  republi- 
canism, to  a  level  with  the  estimation,  long 
since  made,  of  certain  professions  of  Rolla  and 
Clovis,  made  to  facilitate  the  government  of 
those  to  whom  they  were  addressed  ? 

No  man  is  more  deeply  penetrated  with  a 
sense  of  the  inviolability  of  confidential  trusts. 
But  were  I  to  make  oath  to  keep  inviolate  such 
a  trust,  conditional  to  its  reception,  and  to  make 
it  with  as  much  solemnity  as  Atrides  swore  that 
he  surrendered  the  beautiful  Briseis  untouched 
to  Achilles,  and  should  make  it  without  any  sort 
of  reservation,  a  reservation  would  yet  exist  in 
the  duty,  social  and  relative,  which  every  man 
and  every  citizen  is  bound  by  solemn  obliga- 
tions to  respect.  A  promise  nor  an  oath  of 
secrecy,  is  not  to  be  constructed  to  extend  to 
the  transgression  of  the  duty  we  are  under  from 
the  instant  of  our  birth,  and  of  which  there  is 
never  an  intermission — it  is  a  contradiction  in 


215 

terms,  that  a  man  can  bind  himself  to  do  what 
he  is  bound  not  to  perform. 

I  have  felt  for  you  as  a  neighbourhood  feel 
towards  one  brought  up  amongst  them,  whose 
actions  now  and  then,  incur  suspicions,  but  which 
suspicions  die  away  without  reviving,  until  some 
act  less  equivocal  than  any  preceding,  or  until 
some  extraordinary  occurrence  shall  awaken  re- 
flection, and  put  eyes  into  it,  that  it  can  see  what 
before  passed  almost  unobserved.  In  the  letter 
from  which  I  have  extracted,  you  observed,  that 
the  portrait  of  Washington  ought  not  to  shove 
aside  the  portraits  of  John  Hancock  and  Samuel 
Adams,  in  Fanueil  Hall.  Now,  to  say  nothing  of 
Samuel  Adams,  what  was  John  Hancock  ?  I  will 
tell  you  what  you  yourself  once  said  of  him.  In 
the  afternoon  of  a  day  in  the  summer  of  1791. 
some  conversation  respecting  him  led  Mrs.  Ad- 
ams to  remark,  that  he  was  born  near  your 
residence — you  turned  yourself  towards  your 
front  door,  and  pointing  to  a  spot  in  view,  you 
laughingly  exclaimed,  "  Yes  !  there's  the  place 
where  the  great  Governor  Hancock  was  born." 
Then,  composing  your  countenance,  and  rolling 
your  eye,  you  went  on  with  these  exclama- 


216 

tions — "  John  Hancock !  A  man  without  head 
and  without  heart — the  mere  shadow  of  a  man, 
and  yet  a  Governor  of  old  Massachusetts!" 
Pausing  a  moment  you  breathed  a  sigh,  which 
sorrowed,  as  plainly  as  a  sigh  could  sorrow,  for 
poor  Massachusetts. 

This,  I  expect,  is  the  last  letter  I  shall  write 
you.  You  have  had  ample  time  to  make  ob- 
jections to  a  public  use  of  some  parts  of  your 
letters,  had  you  been  disposed  to  make  them. 
I  shall,  therefore,  construct  your  assent  to  such 
an  use  from  your  silence,  and  shall  so  dispose 
of  your  letters  as  a  sense  of  public  duty  shall 
dictate. 

I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 


LETTER  LXL 

QUINCY,  Jan.  16,  1810. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  three  last  let- 
ters. The  correspondence  and  conversations 
which  have  passed  between  us  have  been  under 


217 

the  confidential  seal  of  secrecy  and  friendship. 
Any  violation  of  it  will  be  a  breach  of  honour 
and  of  plighted  faith.  I  shall  never  release 
you  from  it,  if  it  were  in  my  power ;  but  it  is 
not.  After  all  "the  permission  that  I  could  give, 
your  conscience  ought  to  restrain  you.  I  could 
as  well  release  you  from  your  obligations  of 
obedience  to  the  Decalogue. 

I  hope  you  will  consider,  before  you  plunge 
yourself  into  an  abyss,  which  the  melancholy 
and  disturbed  state  of  mind  you  appear  to  be  in 
seems  to  render  you  at  this  time  incapable  of 
perceiving  before  you. 

In  hopes  you  will  soon  be  more  calm,  I  am 
Your  well  wisher, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  William  Cunningham,  Jr. 


LETTER  LXII. 

FITCHBURG,  Jan.  28,  1810. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  have  received  your  favour  of  the 

16th  inst     I  shall  be   scrupulously  cautious 

against  bringing  myself  under  reproaches  of  my 
29 


218 

conscience,  and  of  giving  any  just  occasion  for 
the  forfeiture  of  the  esteem  of  those  whose  ap- 
probation, next  to  the  consciousness  of  a  good 
intention,  is  the  most  precious  of  all  earthly 
consolations. 

Much  contained  in  our  correspondence,  and 
much  more  in  our  conversations,  will  not  be  ex- 
torted from  me  by  any  circumstances,  out  of 
yourself,  while  you  live — some  parts  of  it  can 
never  be  divulged  to  any  others  than  the  impli- 
cated characters — perhaps  never  to  them,  nor  is 
my  resolution  to  divulge  any  part  of  either,  yet 
decisively  taken. 

I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JR. 
Hon.  John  Mams. 
Quincy. 


LETTER  LXIII. 

FITCHBURG,  Jan.  21,  1812. 
Dear  Sir, 

Enclosed  is  a  communication  for  the 
Palladium.  I  shall  delay  forwarding  it  to  the 
printers  for  a  few  days,  that  if  it  contains  any 


219 

thing  unwarranted  by  your  letters  to  and  con- 
versations with  me,  you  may  point  out  wherein. 
I  have  been  cruelly  and  unjustly  treated  by 
you — (He  that  is 

"In  rebellion  with  himself  will  have 
All  that  are  his  so  too.") 

I  have,  nevertheless,  in  all  that  I  have  done, 
been  sparing — Review  your  letter  to  me  of  the 
16th  of  January  1810,  in  connection  with  the 
letters  to  which  it  was  an  answer,  and  say,  what 
must  be  the  opinion  of  an  impartial  world  on 
that  answer?  It  needs  but  a  little  knowledge 
of  the  human  heart,  and  but  a  little  acquaintance 
with  history,  to  make  the  inferences. 
I  am,  &c. 

WM.  CUNNINGHAM,  JK 
Hon.  John  Adams. 


ERRATA. 

Page  19,  line  2  from  the  top,  insert  female,  before  virtue. 

Page  28,  line  12  from  the  bottom,  insert  rational  before 
federalism. 

Page  40,  line  8  from  the  bottom,  for  where  read  whence. 

Page  64,  line  10  from  the  bottom,  for  editors  read  electors: 

Page  69,  line  1 1  from  the  bottom,  for  has  read  have. 

Letter  XXV,  page  79,  date  should  be  Feb.  11. 

Page  81-,  line  9  from  the  top,  for  Tories'  read  Friers. 

Same  page,  bottom  line,  for  Phcecion  read  Phocion. 

Page  112,  line  5,  for  ore  read  one. 

Page  123,  line  12  from  the  bottom,  for  "a  project  of ''' 
read  "  the  project  of  a." 

Page  150,  line  3  from  the  top,  for  from  before  the  read  for 

Page  162,  line  10  from  the  top,  for  ever  read  never. 

Page  194  line  8  from  the  top,  for  one  read  me. 


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